April 2026 – 592guardian.com

𝐑𝐨𝐝𝐫𝐢́𝐠𝐮𝐞𝐳 𝐑𝐞𝐚𝐬𝐬𝐞𝐫𝐭𝐬 𝐕𝐞𝐧𝐞𝐳𝐮𝐞𝐥𝐚’𝐬 “𝐈𝐫𝐫𝐞𝐟𝐮𝐭𝐚𝐛𝐥𝐞” 𝐂𝐥𝐚𝐢𝐦 𝐭𝐨 𝐄𝐬𝐬𝐞𝐪𝐮𝐢𝐛𝐨 𝐀𝐦𝐢𝐝 𝐈𝐂𝐉 𝐓𝐞𝐧𝐬𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐬

April 29, 2026/in Local News, News/by Staff Writer

Venezuela’s interim Head of State, Delcy Rodríguez, has forcefully reaffirmed Caracas’ claim to Guyana’s Essequibo region, declaring that Venezuela’s “rights” to the territory are “historical and irrefutable,” even as the matter remains before the International Court of Justice (ICJ).

Speaking Tuesday in Caracas at a Pilgrimage Against Sanctions event, Rodríguez dismissed criticism surrounding a brooch she wore during recent visits to Barbados and Grenada, which appeared to depict Essequibo as part of Venezuela.

“That is the only map I have known my entire life,” she said, questioning whether Venezuela’s history books should now be “burned” in response to objections raised by Guyanese authorities.

Rodríguez insisted that Venezuela would soon present its case again before the ICJ, grounding its position in what she described as “international legality” and the 1966 Geneva Agreement. “There’s no way we’re going to allow a dispossession or legitimize a theft,” she stated.

Her remarks signal a renewed hardening of Venezuela’s posture on the decades-old border controversy, even as her administration has recently adopted a more conciliatory tone toward the United States following the January 2025 ousting of Nicolás Maduro.

Ali Condemns “Provocative Symbolism”

President Irfaan Ali, in a formal communication to CARICOM Chairman Dr. Terrence Drew, sharply criticised Rodríguez’s use of the disputed map during official regional engagements.

He warned that such displays risk creating the perception of regional acquiescence to Venezuela’s claim and undermine the integrity of CARICOM platforms.

“This is not a matter of symbolism alone,” Ali wrote. “It is a calculated and provocative assertion of a claim that Guyana has consistently and lawfully rejected, and which is before the International Court of Justice for final adjudication.”

Ali stressed that with the case actively before the ICJ, Venezuela should refrain from actions that attempt to “normalise” its claim through unofficial symbols, maps, or public displays.

He further called on all states to respect international law and avoid conduct that could inflame tensions or prejudice the judicial process.

Caracas Pushes Back

Venezuela’s Foreign Affairs Minister Yván Gil dismissed Ali’s concerns as “unusual” and accused the Guyanese leader of political theatrics.

“Is he going to ban maps, history books, or any symbols he is uncomfortable with?” Gil wrote on social media, defending the brooch as a representation of Venezuela’s historical narrative.

He characterized Guyana’s objections as “noise” and “drama,” asserting that Venezuela’s territorial claim remains unchanged. “Venezuela’s sun rises in the Essequibo,” he declared.

A Dispute Rooted in History

The controversy over the Essequibo region—comprising roughly two-thirds of Guyana’s landmass—dates back to the 1899 Arbitral Award, which definitively established the boundary between Venezuela and then-British Guiana.

Venezuela has long rejected that ruling as invalid, reviving its claim in the 1960s as Guyana approached independence. The 1966 Geneva Agreement established a framework for resolving the controversy, but no settlement has been reached.

Tensions escalated in 2023 when then-President Maduro unveiled a new Venezuelan map incorporating Essequibo and appointed a governor for the territory, drawing widespread international condemnation.

The dispute is now before the ICJ, where Guyana seeks final confirmation of the 1899 boundary.

Regional and International Stakes

The controversy has intensified amid growing geopolitical pressure in the region, including increased U.S. military activity in the Caribbean and warnings against any Venezuelan attempt to assert its claim by force.

Rodríguez’s latest statements suggest that despite recent diplomatic recalibrations, Caracas is unwilling to soften its position on Essequibo—keeping the territorial dispute at the forefront of regional tensions.

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592 𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣-𝙏𝙧𝙪𝙩𝙝 , 𝘼𝙘𝙘𝙤𝙪𝙣𝙩𝙖𝙗𝙞𝙡𝙞𝙩𝙮,𝙄𝙣𝙩𝙚𝙜𝙧𝙞𝙩𝙮 𝙄𝙣𝙂𝙪𝙮𝙖𝙣𝙖 𝘼𝙣𝙙 𝘾𝙖𝙧𝙞𝙗𝙗𝙚𝙖𝙣 𝙋𝙚𝙧𝙨𝙥𝙚𝙘𝙩𝙞𝙫𝙚𝙨.— ✦

𝐋𝐢𝐯𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐁𝐞𝐲𝐨𝐧𝐝 𝐇𝐢𝐬 𝐌𝐞𝐚𝐧𝐬? 𝐂𝐨𝐦𝐩𝐥𝐚𝐢𝐧𝐭𝐬 𝐑𝐚𝐢𝐬𝐞 𝐑𝐞𝐝 𝐅𝐥𝐚𝐠𝐬 𝐎𝐯𝐞𝐫 𝐏𝐨𝐥𝐢𝐜𝐞 𝐈𝐧𝐬𝐩𝐞𝐜𝐭𝐨𝐫

April 29, 2026/in Editorial/by Staff Writer

𝐈𝐧𝐪𝐮𝐢𝐫𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐌𝐢𝐧𝐝𝐬 𝐖𝐚𝐧𝐭 𝐓𝐨 𝐊𝐧𝐨𝐰 ??

Serious and deeply troubling allegations are mounting against a traffic inspector stationed at Vreed-en-Hoop ,on the West Coast with multiple complaints pointing to what appears to be a stark disconnect between public service income and a visibly extravagant lifestyle.

Reports describe access to several high-end vehicles and a residence that, by all accounts, rivals or exceeds those of far more senior ranks within the Guyana Police Force. For a serving officer, this raises unavoidable and legitimate questions—questions that cannot simply be brushed aside or ignored.

But the concern does not end with appearances.

Public transport operators—minibus drivers and taxi operators trying to earn an honest living—are alleging what they describe as relentless and heavy-handed targeting. Vehicles reportedly clamped the moment they stop for passengers, enforcement actions carried out with unusual intensity, and a pattern that many say feels less like policing and more like pressure.

At the same time, allegations have surfaced suggesting that those in the officer’s immediate circle may not be subjected to the same level of scrutiny or enforcement—fueling perceptions of selective policing and abuse of authority.

These are not minor complaints. These are allegations that strike at the very core of fairness, integrity, and public trust in law enforcement.

Let us be clear: these claims remain unproven at this stage. However, the volume, consistency, and seriousness of the reports demand urgent and uncompromising scrutiny.

We are calling on the Police Service Commission, the Office of Professional Responsibility, and all relevant anti-corruption bodies to immediately initiate a thorough and transparent investigation into these matters. Silence or inaction will only deepen public suspicion and erode confidence in the system.

If these allegations are unfounded, let that be established swiftly and publicly. But if there is any truth to them, then decisive action must follow—without fear or favor.

The public is watching. And they are demanding answers.

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592 𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣-𝙏𝙧𝙪𝙩𝙝 , 𝘼𝙘𝙘𝙤𝙪𝙣𝙩𝙖𝙗𝙞𝙡𝙞𝙩𝙮,𝙄𝙣𝙩𝙚𝙜𝙧𝙞𝙩𝙮 𝙄𝙣𝙂𝙪𝙮𝙖𝙣𝙖 𝘼𝙣𝙙 𝘾𝙖𝙧𝙞𝙗𝙗𝙚𝙖𝙣 𝙋𝙚𝙧𝙨𝙥𝙚𝙘𝙩𝙞𝙫𝙚𝙨.— ✦—

𝐆𝐨𝐯’𝐭 𝐌𝐨𝐯𝐞𝐬 𝐭𝐨 𝐄𝐬𝐭𝐚𝐛𝐥𝐢𝐬𝐡 𝐅𝐨𝐫𝐞𝐧𝐬𝐢𝐜 𝐈𝐧𝐭𝐞𝐫𝐯𝐢𝐞𝐰 𝐔𝐧𝐢𝐭 — 𝐀 𝐒𝐭𝐞𝐩 𝐅𝐨𝐫𝐰𝐚𝐫𝐝, 𝐁𝐮𝐭 𝐒𝐭𝐢𝐥𝐥 𝐅𝐚𝐥𝐥𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐒𝐡𝐨𝐫𝐭

April 29, 2026/in Editorial/by Staff Writer

The Government’s plan to establish a dedicated forensic interview (FI) unit for child abuse victims signals a long-overdue acknowledgment of systemic gaps in the protection of vulnerable children. Human Services and Social Security Minister, Dr Vindhya Persaud, announced the initiative as part of a broader strategy to improve response time and access in abuse cases.

At present, forensic interviews — a critical component in securing evidence and protecting victims — are conducted by non-governmental organisations such as ChildLink and Blossoms Inc., with support from the Child Protection Agency (CPA). The State’s move to assume direct responsibility is, therefore, a welcome development.

However, while the creation of a forensic interview unit represents progress, it raises a deeper question: why has it taken this long, and why is the scope still so limited?

Forensic interviews are only one piece of a fractured system. The real deficiency lies in the absence of a fully integrated, dedicated investigative framework that follows each case from report to prosecution. As it stands, cases are passed between multiple actors — Child Protection Officers, police, medical personnel, NGOs — creating dangerous gaps where accountability can falter and critical evidence can be compromised.

A more effective model would see the establishment of a specialised investigative unit assigned to each case from the outset. That officer or team should be responsible for coordinating every stage — from securing timely medical examinations to liaising with child protection services and ensuring case files are meticulously prepared for the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP).

Without that continuity, the system remains vulnerable to the very breakdowns the Minister herself acknowledged: inconsistent reporting, delays, and poorly prepared case files that can determine whether justice is served or denied.

Dr Persaud rightly highlighted the importance of precision in case documentation, noting that “what you write is how a case can go left or right.” Yet this only underscores the urgency of structural reform. Training alone cannot fix a system where responsibility is fragmented and diffused.

Equally concerning is the ongoing shortage of Child Protection Officers, a limitation that continues to undermine even the most well-intentioned programmes, including the Rapid Response initiative. A single officer in a region is not a solution — it is a stopgap.

The Government’s planned digital tracking system is another positive step, promising greater oversight of case progression. But tracking failures after they occur is not a substitute for preventing them through cohesive case management.

Child abuse cases demand urgency, sensitivity, and above all, consistency. Victims cannot afford a system where responsibility is shared but accountability is unclear.

There is also a growing concern about the extent of ministerial involvement in operational oversight. While accountability is critical, the system cannot function efficiently if it is being micro-managed at the political level. The Minister’s role should be to establish policy, ensure resources are in place, and conduct periodic audits to assess performance — not to track individual case movements or intervene in routine procedural matters. Effective child protection depends on empowering trained professionals to carry out their duties without undue interference, while holding them accountable through structured oversight mechanisms, not constant direct supervision.

If the Government is serious about reform, it must move beyond incremental fixes and commit to building a unified, end-to-end investigative mechanism — one that eliminates gaps, assigns clear responsibility, and ensures that no child’s case is left to drift between agencies.

Anything less risks perpetuating the very failures this new unit is intended to solve.

“𝐆𝐚𝐫𝐛𝐚𝐠𝐞 𝐚𝐬 𝐂𝐚𝐬𝐮𝐬 𝐁𝐞𝐥𝐥𝐢: 𝐇𝐨𝐰 𝐅𝐢𝐥𝐭𝐡 𝐨𝐧 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐒𝐭𝐫𝐞𝐞𝐭𝐬 𝐈𝐬 𝐁𝐞𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐔𝐬𝐞𝐝 𝐭𝐨 𝐔𝐧𝐝𝐞𝐫𝐦𝐢𝐧𝐞 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐂𝐢𝐭𝐲 𝐂𝐨𝐮𝐧𝐜𝐢𝐥”

April 29, 2026/in Culture & Society/by Staff Writer

Something has changed on our streets: the garbage is no longer just a nuisance—it’s everywhere, thick, inescapable, and suddenly impossible to ignore. It’s not just that people are a little sloppier; it’s as if the city has been designed to look like a dump. This feels less like neglect and more like a deliberate, orchestrated spectacle.

Read it through the lens of Forbes Burnham’s thinking, and this is what he would call a casus belli: a manufactured provocation, carefully framed to justify a bigger political move. The PPP‑led government allows enforcement to slacken, lets contractors and public agencies operate with impunity, and then lets the streets speak for them. The image of a filthy, “broken” city becomes the visual proof that the City Council is “dysfunctional” and therefore unfit to govern.

The real purpose is obvious: to build a narrative that only the central government can “fix” the city—by taking control, stripping away autonomy, and expanding its own power. The garbage is not an accident or a coincidence; it is a political weapon, a slow‑burn provocation meant to erode public confidence in local leadership.

When the streets are this visibly abused, the call for a “strong hand” from above starts to sound reasonable, even noble.

So when you see that pile of trash deliberately left at the corner, or those bags rotting on the sidewalk, don’t just see laziness—see a casus belli in progress: a carefully staged crisis to justify a power grab over the City Council.

The Wales Watchdog Series: Part 111

April 29, 2026/in Investigative Report/by Staff Writer

𝗧𝗵𝗲 𝗗𝗼𝘂𝗯𝗹𝗲 𝗔𝗴𝗲𝗻𝘁𝘀: 𝗧𝗵𝗲 𝗟𝗲𝗴𝗮𝗹 𝗔𝗿𝗰𝗵𝗶𝘁𝗲𝗰𝘁𝘀 𝗮𝗻𝗱 𝘁𝗵𝗲 $𝟭𝟬𝟮𝗠 “𝗣𝗼𝗶𝘀𝗼𝗻 𝗣𝗶𝗹𝗹”

𝗕𝗬: 𝗧𝗛𝗘 𝟱𝟵𝟮 𝗚𝗨𝗔𝗥𝗗𝗜𝗔𝗡 𝗜𝗡𝗩𝗘𝗦𝗧𝗜𝗚𝗔𝗧𝗜𝗩𝗘 𝗨𝗡𝗜𝗧

𝗧𝗛𝗘 𝗚𝗔𝗧𝗘𝗞𝗘𝗘𝗣𝗘𝗥𝗦 𝗢𝗙 𝗧𝗛𝗘 𝗧𝗥𝗘𝗔𝗦𝗨𝗥𝗬

If Part I exposed the contractor’s checkered past and Part II mapped the offshore shell games, Part III uncovers the most disturbing layer of the Gas-to-Energy (GtE) project:

The Inside Job. A project of this magnitude requires robust legal defense to protect the national interest. Instead, The 592 Guardian has found that the lines between the “Defender of the State” and the “Counsel for the Contractor” were not just blurred—they were non-existent.

𝗧𝗛𝗘 “𝗗𝗢𝗨𝗕𝗟𝗘 𝗔𝗚𝗘𝗡𝗧” 𝗔𝗧𝗧𝗢𝗥𝗡𝗘𝗬: 𝗗𝗘𝗩𝗜𝗡𝗗𝗥𝗔 𝗞𝗜𝗦𝗦𝗢𝗢𝗡

At the center of this web sits Devindra Kissoon, the founding member of London House Chambers and the President of the American Chamber of Commerce (AMCHAM) Guyana. Our investigation into the UK “Paper Trail” and local High Court filings has confirmed a stunning conflict of interest that effectively “disarmed” the Government of Guyana (GoG) before negotiations even began.

𝗧𝗵𝗲 𝗙𝗶𝗻𝗱𝗶𝗻𝗴𝘀:

• 𝗧𝗵𝗲 𝗖𝗼𝗻𝘀𝗼𝗿𝘁𝗶𝘂𝗺’𝘀 𝗔𝗿𝗰𝗵𝗶𝘁𝗲𝗰𝘁: As early as 2021, Kissoon and his firm were retained by the CH4-Lindsayca network. London House Chambers publicly boasts of representing the consortium to “secure” the natural gas plant deal.

• 𝗧𝗵𝗲 𝗚𝗼𝘃𝗲𝗿𝗻𝗺𝗲𝗻𝘁’𝘀 𝗖𝗼𝗻𝘀𝘂𝗹𝘁𝗮𝗻𝘁: Simultaneously, Kissoon has served as a prominent retained counsel for the Minister of Natural Resources and the state-owned Guyana Power and Light (GPL)—the very entity that must buy the power Lindsayca produces.

• 𝗧𝗵𝗲 𝗨𝗞 𝗖𝗼𝗻𝗻𝗲𝗰𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻: Our forensic look at 𝗟𝗜𝗡𝗗𝗦𝗔𝗬𝗖𝗔 𝗗𝗘𝗩𝗘𝗟𝗢𝗣𝗠𝗘𝗡𝗧 𝗟𝗟𝗣 (𝗢𝗖𝟰𝟰𝟰𝟴𝟴𝟮)—the UK entity used to trigger the US$102M arbitration—shows it was registered on November 30, 2022. Kissoon, a UK-qualified barrister and “London House” principal, is alleged to have been instrumental in engineering this specific UK-based structure to “armor” the contractor against local Guyanese oversight.

𝗧𝗛𝗘 “𝗣𝗢𝗜𝗦𝗢𝗡 𝗣𝗜𝗟𝗟”: 𝗔 𝗥𝗜𝗚𝗚𝗘𝗗 𝗔𝗥𝗕𝗜𝗧𝗥𝗔𝗧𝗜𝗢𝗡

The US$102.7 million loss wasn’t a failure of luck; it was a failure by design.

• 𝗧𝗵𝗲 𝗪𝗮𝗶𝘃𝗲𝗿: Sources indicate that during the formation of the contract, Winston Brassington (Head of the GtE Taskforce) specifically requested that the contractors grant a “waiver” to allow Kissoon to provide the legal opinion on the arbitration venue and dispute resolution clauses.

• 𝗧𝗵𝗲 𝗥𝗲𝘀𝘂𝗹𝘁:The GoG essentially allowed the contractor’s lawyer to help write the rules for how the contractor could sue the GoG.

When the contractor triggered the Dispute Adjudication Board (DAAB) using the UK-Guyana Treaty, the government found itself trapped in a legal framework it had paid its own “double agent” to build. The result? A US$102,679,839 bill that taxpayers are now paying in installments, while the legal minds behind the deal remain insulated by high-level political connections.

𝗧𝗛𝗘 𝗔𝗠𝗖𝗛𝗔𝗠 𝗩𝗘𝗡𝗘𝗘𝗥

By utilizing his position as AMCHAM President, Kissoon helped present the consortium as a “Tier-One American Engineering” powerhouse.

This polished, US-backed veneer effectively blinded Guyanese evaluators to the reality:that the entity was a debt-heavy vehicle with a history of FBI raids (via the CH4/Bellosta network) and shell-company maneuvers.

“𝘛𝘩𝘦𝘺 𝘶𝘴𝘦𝘥 𝘵𝘩𝘦 𝘈𝘮𝘦𝘳𝘪𝘤𝘢𝘯 𝘧𝘭𝘢𝘨 𝘵𝘰 𝘰𝘱𝘦𝘯 𝘵𝘩𝘦 𝘥𝘰𝘰𝘳, 𝘢 𝘉𝘳𝘪𝘵𝘪𝘴𝘩 𝘵𝘳𝘦𝘢𝘵𝘺 𝘵𝘰 𝘭𝘰𝘤𝘬 𝘵𝘩𝘦 𝘴𝘢𝘧𝘦, 𝘢𝘯𝘥 𝘢 𝘭𝘰𝘤𝘢𝘭 𝘭𝘢𝘸𝘺𝘦𝘳 𝘵𝘰 𝘩𝘰𝘭𝘥 𝘵𝘩𝘦 𝘬𝘦𝘺.”— 𝗜𝗻𝘀𝗶𝗱𝗲 𝗦𝗼𝘂𝗿𝗰𝗲, 𝗠𝗶𝗻𝗶𝘀𝘁𝗿𝘆 𝗼𝗳 𝗟𝗲𝗴𝗮𝗹 𝗔𝗳𝗳𝗮𝗶𝗿𝘀

𝗧𝗛𝗘 𝗚𝗨𝗔𝗥𝗗𝗜𝗔𝗡’𝗦 𝗩𝗘𝗥𝗗𝗜𝗖𝗧

The US$102M payout is the price of collusion. When the person advising the Ministry on how to protect the public purse is the same person advising the contractor on how to extract from it, the public loses every time. This was not a negotiation; it was a coordinated transfer of wealth.

This add-on to Part III serves as a “Financial Health Warning” for both local and diaspora investors. It unmasks the legal machinery that has turned a national project into a private enclave.

𝗔𝗗𝗗𝗘𝗡𝗗𝗨𝗠 𝗧𝗢 𝗣𝗔𝗥𝗧 𝗜𝗜𝗜: 𝗧𝗛𝗘 𝗞𝗜𝗦𝗦𝗢𝗢𝗡 𝗖𝗛𝗥𝗢𝗡𝗜𝗖𝗟𝗘𝗦

𝗧𝗵𝗲 “𝗠𝗮𝘀𝘁𝗲𝗿 𝗞𝗲𝘆” 𝘁𝗼 𝘁𝗵𝗲 𝗪𝗮𝗹𝗲𝘀 𝗠𝗼𝗻𝗼𝗽𝗼𝗹𝘆

While the public sees Devindra Kissoon as a prominent attorney and the face of AMCHAM Guyana, The 592 Guardian has identified him as the “Master Key” that unlocks the Guyanese Treasury for the Lindsayca-CH4 consortium. His positioning is not merely a series of coincidences; it is a strategic occupation of every seat at the negotiating table.

1.𝗧𝗵𝗲 𝗖𝗹𝗶𝗲𝗻𝘁 𝗣𝗼𝗿𝘁𝗳𝗼𝗹𝗶𝗼: 𝗔 𝗖𝗼𝗻𝗳𝗹𝗶𝗰𝘁 𝗼𝗳 𝗜𝗻𝘁𝗲𝗿𝗲𝘀𝘁 𝗠𝗮𝘀𝘁𝗲𝗿𝗰𝗹𝗮𝘀𝘀 :To understand how the US$102.7M arbitration loss happened, one must look at the names on Kissoon’s ledger. He is simultaneously:

• 𝗖𝗼𝘂𝗻𝘀𝗲𝗹 𝗳𝗼𝗿 𝘁𝗵𝗲 𝗖𝗼𝗻𝘁𝗿𝗮𝗰𝘁𝗼𝗿:

Representing the Lindsayca-CH4 consortium during the inception of the GtE project.

• 𝗖𝗼𝘂𝗻𝘀𝗲𝗹 𝗳𝗼𝗿 𝘁𝗵𝗲 𝗩𝗶𝘀𝗶𝗼𝗻𝗮𝗿𝘆: Serving as the personal legal representative for Vice President Bharrat Jagdeo (the chief architect of the GtE project).

• 𝗖𝗼𝘂𝗻𝘀𝗲𝗹 𝗳𝗼𝗿 𝘁𝗵𝗲 𝗕𝘂𝘆𝗲𝗿: Providing legal services to Guyana Power and Light (GPL)—the state entity forced to absorb the costs of the project’s delays.

• 𝗧𝗵𝗲 𝗚𝗮𝘁𝗲𝗸𝗲𝗲𝗽𝗲𝗿 𝗼𝗳 𝗜𝗻𝘃𝗲𝘀𝘁𝗺𝗲𝗻𝘁:

Operating as President of AMCHAM, where he “vets” incoming US and diaspora firms, effectively deciding who gets to play in the Wales arena.

2.𝗧𝗵𝗲 “𝗣𝗿𝗲𝗳𝗲𝗿𝗿𝗲𝗱 𝗕𝗶𝗱𝗱𝗲𝗿” 𝗣𝗶𝗽𝗲𝗹𝗶𝗻𝗲: Our investigation has uncovered that the current Expressions of Interest (EOI) for the Fertilizer and Gas Bottling plants carry the same “DNA” as the original power plant deal.

• 𝗧𝗵𝗲 𝗦𝘁𝗿𝗮𝘁𝗲𝗴𝘆: By incorporating these new entities as Private Companies rather than Public Corporations, Kissoon’s legal framework ensures they are exempt from the Public Procurement Act.

• 𝗧𝗵𝗲 𝗜𝗻𝘀𝗶𝗱𝗲 𝗧𝗿𝗮𝗰𝗸:This allows the government to bypass open competitive bidding and move directly to a “Preferred Bidder” status for Lindsayca—the same company currently holding the government hostage for an additional US$250M.

3.𝗧𝗵𝗲 𝗗𝗶𝗮𝘀𝗽𝗼𝗿𝗮 𝗪𝗮𝗿𝗻𝗶𝗻𝗴: 𝗧𝗵𝗲 𝟭𝟬% 𝗚𝘂𝗮𝗿𝗮𝗻𝘁𝗲𝗲 𝗧𝗿𝗮𝗽: To the Guyanese Diaspora looking to “invest in home,” beware of the fine print. The EOI documents—reportedly structured under Kissoon’s guidance—feature a 10% Guaranteed Annual Return.

• 𝗧𝗵𝗲 𝗧𝗿𝗮𝗽: This guarantee is not backed by the profits of the fertilizer plant (which doesn’t exist yet); it is backed by the Consolidated Fund.

• 𝗧𝗵𝗲 𝗥𝗲𝗮𝗹𝗶𝘁𝘆: If the project fails or the contractor (Lindsayca) mismanages the funds—as they have in the Dominican Republic—the Guyanese taxpayer is legally obligated to pay the investors their 10%. You aren’t investing in a business; you are investing in a debt instrument that your own relatives in Guyana will have to pay back through taxes.

𝟰. 𝗥𝗲𝗴𝗶𝘀𝘁𝗲𝗿𝗶𝗻𝗴 𝘁𝗵𝗲 “𝗦𝗵𝗶𝗲𝗹𝗱”

We have confirmed through UK Companies House records that the registration of LINDSAYCA DEVELOPMENT LLP was a surgical strike. By placing the entity in a jurisdiction with a favorable treaty, Kissoon provided the contractor with a “legal armor” that our local Attorney General’s chambers was either too incompetent or too complicit to challenge.

“𝘐𝘯 𝘢𝘯𝘺 𝘰𝘵𝘩𝘦𝘳 𝘫𝘶𝘳𝘪𝘴𝘥𝘪𝘤𝘵𝘪𝘰𝘯, 𝘵𝘩𝘪𝘴 𝘭𝘦𝘷𝘦𝘭 𝘰𝘧 𝘰𝘷𝘦𝘳𝘭𝘢𝘱 𝘸𝘰𝘶𝘭𝘥 𝘵𝘳𝘪𝘨𝘨𝘦𝘳 𝘢 𝘥𝘪𝘴𝘣𝘢𝘳𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵 𝘢𝘯𝘥 𝘢 𝘧𝘰𝘳𝘦𝘯𝘴𝘪𝘤 𝘢𝘶𝘥𝘪𝘵. 𝘐𝘯 𝘎𝘶𝘺𝘢𝘯𝘢, 𝘪𝘵 𝘦𝘢𝘳𝘯𝘴 𝘺𝘰𝘶 𝘢 𝘴𝘦𝘢𝘵 𝘢𝘵 𝘵𝘩𝘦 𝘩𝘦𝘢𝘥 𝘰𝘧 𝘵𝘩𝘦 𝘵𝘢𝘣𝘭𝘦.”—

𝗘𝗱𝗶𝘁𝗼𝗿𝗶𝗮𝗹 𝗕𝗼𝗮𝗿𝗱, 𝗧𝗵𝗲 𝟱𝟵𝟮 𝗚𝘂𝗮𝗿𝗱𝗶𝗮𝗻

𝗖𝗢𝗠𝗜𝗡𝗚 𝗡𝗘𝗫𝗧 | 𝗣𝗔𝗥𝗧 𝗜𝗩: 𝗧𝗛𝗘 𝗘𝗢𝗜

𝗘𝗫𝗣𝗢𝗦𝗘𝗗; 𝗧𝗵𝗲 𝗠𝗮𝗻𝘇𝗮𝗻𝗶𝗹𝗹𝗼 𝗪𝗮𝗿𝗻𝗶𝗻𝗴, 𝗧𝗵𝗲 “𝗕𝗹𝗮𝗰𝗸 𝗕𝗼𝘅” 𝗼𝗳 𝗪𝗮𝗹𝗲𝘀: How the US$340M Fertilizer and Gas Bottling Deals are Being Hidden from Public Scrutiny. We will break down the specific terms of the EOI and why the “Private Entity” status is a death knell for transparency.

𝗧𝗵𝗲 𝗠𝗮𝗻𝘇𝗮𝗻𝗶𝗹𝗹𝗼 𝗪𝗮𝗿𝗻𝗶𝗻𝗴—A side-by-side comparison of the failed DR project and the current Wales trajectory.

𝗧𝗛𝗘 𝟱𝟵𝟮 𝗚𝗨𝗔𝗥𝗗𝗜𝗔𝗡: 𝗛𝗮𝗿𝗱-𝗧𝗿𝘂𝘁𝗵. 𝗜𝗻𝘃𝗲𝘀𝘁𝗶𝗴𝗮𝘁𝗶𝘃𝗲 𝗥𝗲𝗽𝗼𝗿𝘁. 𝗬𝗼𝘂𝗿 𝗥𝗶𝗴𝗵𝘁𝘀, 𝗚𝘂𝗮𝗿𝗱𝗲𝗱.

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592 𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣 — 𝙏𝙧𝙪𝙩𝙝 , 𝘼𝙘𝙘𝙤𝙪𝙣𝙩𝙖𝙗𝙞𝙡𝙞𝙩𝙮, 𝙄𝙣𝙩𝙚𝙜𝙧𝙞𝙩𝙮 𝙄𝙣 𝙂𝙪𝙮𝙖𝙣𝙖 𝘼𝙣𝙙 𝘾𝙖𝙧𝙞𝙗𝙗𝙚𝙖𝙣 𝙋𝙚𝙧𝙨𝙥𝙚𝙘𝙩𝙞𝙫𝙚𝙨.

𝐒𝐞𝐥𝐞𝐜𝐭𝐢𝐯𝐞 𝐏𝐫𝐢𝐧𝐜𝐢𝐩𝐥𝐞𝐬 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐑𝐞𝐠𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐚𝐥 𝐑𝐞𝐚𝐥𝐢𝐭𝐢𝐞𝐬: 𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐇𝐲𝐩𝐨𝐜𝐫𝐢𝐬𝐲 𝐨𝐟 𝐆𝐮𝐲𝐚𝐧𝐚’𝐬 𝐅𝐨𝐫𝐞𝐢𝐠𝐧 𝐏𝐨𝐬𝐭𝐮𝐫𝐢𝐧𝐠

April 29, 2026/in Opinions/by Staff Writer

𝐁𝐘: 𝐒𝐭𝐚𝐟𝐟-𝐖𝐫𝐢𝐭𝐞𝐫

𝐓𝐇𝐄 𝟓𝟗𝟐 𝐆𝐔𝐀𝐑𝐃𝐈𝐀𝐍

Guyana’s Minister of Local Government, Priya Manickchand, has launched a scathing attack on CARICOM leaders for engaging Venezuelan official Delcy Rodríguez while she sported a brooch depicting the Essequibo as Venezuelan territory. Her outrage, framed around the sanctity of sovereignty and principle, is—on the surface—understandable. But it is also transparently selective, and that very selectivity strips her position of any remaining moral authority.

Minister Manickchand correctly declared that “principle shouldn’t be convenient.” Yet, convenience has become the hallmark of this administration’s foreign policy. For decades, Cuba stood as a pillar of support for Guyana, providing critical medical expertise that our system relied upon. When the United States exerted pressure, Guyana turned its back on Havana, quietly terminating the Cuban Medical Brigade programme. Where was the public outcry regarding sovereignty and loyalty then? Apparently, principle only applies when it aligns with Washington’s current geopolitical push.

This duplicity is echoed in the recent missive from President Irfaan Ali to the CARICOM Chairman, in which he essentially demands that regional partners calibrate their bilateral engagements to suit Guyana’s sensitivities. It is a bold, if not arrogant, demand for a government that has remained notably silent when other CARICOM nations were being penalized by external powers for failing to fall in line with US interests.

To demand unwavering solidarity from one’s neighbours while exercising cold, opportunistic flexibility at home is a contradiction that does not go unnoticed in regional capitals.

CARICOM is a community of sovereign nations, not an extension of Georgetown’s foreign policy apparatus. Small island states, having navigated years of energy dependency through Petro-diplomacy, are being lectured by an administration that chose to align with Trinidad and Tobago—and by extension, Washington—at the expense of regional cohesion.

The hypocrisy is even more glaring when one looks inward. The government insists that the world must respect Guyana’s sovereignty, yet it refuses to practice that same respect within our own borders. The Attorney General and the President have actively shunned the Leader of the Opposition, denying him a seat at the table to be properly apprised of the upcoming ICJ proceedings. If this administration cannot be bothered to build a unified national front at home, it has no business demanding that CARICOM leaders carry that burden for them abroad.

Sovereignty is not merely a slogan to be brandished at regional summits; it is a responsibility upheld through transparency and inclusion. By excluding domestic stakeholders, the government weakens the very cause it seeks to defend.

Venezuela’s provocative use of symbols is an attempt to project authority where it has none, and it certainly warrants objection. But let us be clear: this is not a loyalty test that Guyana is qualified to administer. You cannot outsource your own integrity.

President Ali and Minister Manickchand are currently posturing as defenders of the realm, yet their actions border on the very bullyism they claim to oppose. They demand from our neighbours a standard they refuse to hold themselves to, assuming that CARICOM will act as a subservient instrument of their selective outrage. They are mistaken.

Diplomacy in the Caribbean is a complex balancing act, and if Guyana wishes to command genuine support, it must stop demanding compliance and start leading with consistency.

𝙎𝙤𝙫𝙚𝙧𝙚𝙞𝙜𝙣𝙩𝙮 𝙗𝙚𝙜𝙞𝙣𝙨 𝙖𝙩 𝙝𝙤𝙢𝙚. 𝙄𝙛 𝙮𝙤𝙪 𝙘𝙖𝙣𝙣𝙤𝙩 𝙧𝙚𝙥𝙧𝙚𝙨𝙚𝙣𝙩 𝙞𝙩 𝙬𝙞𝙩𝙝𝙞𝙣 𝙮𝙤𝙪𝙧 𝙤𝙬𝙣 𝙗𝙤𝙧𝙙𝙚𝙧𝙨, 𝙙𝙤 𝙣𝙤𝙩 𝙚𝙭𝙥𝙚𝙘𝙩 𝙤𝙩𝙝𝙚𝙧𝙨 𝙩𝙤 𝙙𝙤 𝙞𝙩 𝙛𝙤𝙧 𝙮𝙤𝙪 𝙤𝙣 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙬𝙤𝙧𝙡𝙙 𝙨𝙩𝙖𝙜𝙚.

𝐂𝐨𝐧𝐭𝐫𝐚𝐜𝐭 𝐒𝐡𝐨𝐰𝐦𝐚𝐧𝐬𝐡𝐢𝐩 𝐨𝐫 𝐑𝐞𝐚𝐥 𝐑𝐞𝐟𝐨𝐫𝐦? 𝐍𝐚𝐧𝐝𝐥𝐚𝐥𝐥’𝐬 𝐅𝐈𝐃𝐈𝐂 𝐅𝐚𝐜𝐚𝐝𝐞 𝐂𝐚𝐧’𝐭 𝐇𝐢𝐝𝐞 𝐆𝐮𝐲𝐚𝐧𝐚’𝐬 𝐏𝐫𝐨𝐜𝐮𝐫𝐞𝐦𝐞𝐧𝐭 𝐑𝐨𝐭

April 29, 2026/in Editorial/by Staff Writer

𝐁𝐘:𝐒𝐭𝐚𝐟𝐟 — 𝐖𝐫𝐢𝐭𝐞𝐫

𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝟓𝟗𝟐 𝐆𝐮𝐚𝐫𝐝𝐢𝐚𝐧

In the glittering halls of the Grand Coastal Hotel, Attorney General Anil Nandlall, SC, preached the gospel of “stronger contract systems” to a captive audience of engineers, lawyers, and procurement officers. The three-day FIDIC workshop, he declared, is part of a “transformation agenda” to equip public servants for Guyana’s infrastructure boom. Contracts are being reviewed, performance bonds tightened, remedies sharpened—modern global standards to protect public coffers. Sounds impressive. Except it’s the same tired script from a government addicted to announcements over action.

Nandlall’s pitch lands flat against the backdrop of Guyana’s procurement scandals. Take the $100 million+ streetlights saga: 100,000 units promised nationwide, bids opened publicly at the National Procurement and Tender Administration (NPTAB) with 26 companies competing across four lots. Yet where are the audits? The geo-location checks proving lights actually work? The contractor performance reports? Public Works Minister Bishop Juan Edghill boasts 22,000 installed, but the trail goes cold—no transparent milestone verifications, no public blacklist enforcement, no evidence that payments matched deliverables. This isn’t weak contracts; it’s weak wills.

𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐏𝐫𝐨-𝐑𝐞𝐟𝐨𝐫𝐦 𝐂𝐚𝐬𝐞: 𝐂𝐨𝐧𝐭𝐫𝐚𝐜𝐭𝐬 𝐃𝐨 𝐌𝐚𝐭𝐭𝐞𝐫 (𝐁𝐮𝐭 𝐍𝐨𝐭 𝐄𝐧𝐨𝐮𝐠𝐡)

No one disputes that Guyana’s contract toolkit is archaic. Decades-old templates invite ambiguity, disputes, and delays. FIDIC standards could impose clearer notice requirements, robust performance securities, and efficient dispute resolution—tools to make breaches costlier and execution swifter. Training public officers to wield them might reduce the low-hanging fruit of incompetence. Nandlall’s review of existing agreements aligns with President Ali’s modernization rhetoric, and in theory, it could align Guyana with global best practices.

But theory evaporates under scrutiny. Strong contracts don’t self-enforce. Blacklisted contractors morph into new shells via compliant proxies. Ministers “rescue” lagging projects by handing them to cronies over a rum punch. One firm scoops 10 contracts, capacity be damned, because the outcome was sealed long before bids hit the table. Nandlall’s expedition fixes none of this. It polishes the facade while the rot festers in enforcement gaps and political discretion.

𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐑𝐞𝐚𝐥 𝐂𝐚𝐧𝐜𝐞𝐫: 𝐇𝐮𝐦𝐚𝐧 𝐆𝐫𝐞𝐞𝐝, 𝐍𝐨𝐭 𝐏𝐚𝐩𝐞𝐫 𝐖𝐞𝐚𝐤𝐧𝐞𝐬𝐬

Guyana’s procurement failures aren’t born of flimsy legalese—they stem from a culture where easy money trumps accountability. The Public Procurement Commission (PPC) flags nothing on streetlights despite the red flags. No-bid whispers persist despite tender announcements. Algorithms for evaluation and awards? Now that’s a conversation worth having: automated scoring, beneficial ownership scans, real-time capacity checks, geo-tagged proofs of work. Remove the “phone call” discretion that predetermines winners.

Yet even algorithms need incorruptible inputs. Without public dashboards tracking bids, awards, variations, and audits, they become black boxes for favoritism. Nandlall’s workshop ignores this. It trains officers but doesn’t arm citizens with data to hold them accountable.

𝐍𝐨𝐭𝐢𝐜𝐞 𝐒𝐞𝐫𝐯𝐞𝐝: 𝐃𝐞𝐥𝐢𝐯𝐞𝐫 𝐨𝐫 𝐁𝐞 𝐄𝐱𝐩𝐨𝐬𝐞𝐝

The 592 Guardian is watching. Every FIDIC-trained engineer, every reviewed contract, every “modernized” tender must now prove itself. Publish the streetlights contractor lists, payment schedules, and installation maps. Enforce the blacklists with teeth. Tie releases to verified geo-data and independent audits. Fail that, and this dog-and-pony show reveals itself as what it is: elite theater for a public footing the bill.

Guyana deserves systems that work, not sermons. Nandlall, the ball’s in your court. We’re clued in, and we’ll monitor every deliverable. Stingy enforcement won’t cut it anymore.

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592 𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣𝙏𝙧𝙪𝙩𝙝 ,

𝘼𝙘𝙘𝙤𝙪𝙣𝙩𝙖𝙗𝙞𝙡𝙞𝙩𝙮, 𝙄𝙣𝙩𝙚𝙜𝙧𝙞𝙩𝙮 𝙄𝙣 𝙂𝙪𝙮𝙖𝙣𝙖 𝘼𝙣𝙙 𝘾𝙖𝙧𝙞𝙗𝙗𝙚𝙖𝙣 𝙋𝙚𝙧𝙨𝙥𝙚𝙘𝙩𝙞𝙫𝙚𝙨. — ✦—

𝐏𝐫𝐞𝐬. 𝐀𝐥𝐢 -𝐧𝐞𝐰 𝐏𝐏𝐏 𝐦𝐚𝐬𝐭𝐞𝐫 𝐝𝐢𝐬𝐭𝐫𝐚𝐜𝐭𝐨𝐫, 𝐝𝐞𝐟𝐥𝐞𝐜𝐭𝐨𝐫 – 𝐚 𝐛𝐫𝐨𝐨𝐜𝐡

April 29, 2026/in Opinions/by Staff Writer

𝐁𝐘: 𝐆𝐇𝐊 𝐋𝐀𝐋𝐋

My thinking was that Irfaan Ali, Guyana’s PhD president needed urgent help to make better use of his time. Searching for, locating, and dealing with the best people would assist him to prioritize, leave a lasting impression, eventually. I prefer being wrong; a president is involved. He jumped out; proved me right. About time mismanagement. A brooch, Dr. President? Is somebody kidding? Of all the matters crying for immediate attention, a brooch worn by America’s Venezuelan presidential plant with Essequibo ingrained, is what sends Excellency Ali off, drives him to get in the face of CARICOM leaders? Knock me down; let me stay down there, please. It’s better to be at the bottom than have to deal with this type of, ah (er), genius now so popular in modern Guyana. Worth saying again, however painful: new PhDs lack past profoundness.

Former Venezuelan caudillo, Nicolo Maduro Doro, repeatedly called Guyana’s Irfaan Ali an imperialist stooge, and his PPP Govt an American puppet. Shades of the PPP’s newest, closest friends, the Red Chinese. Neither he nor anybody in the PPP could generate a halfway hearty riposte. But Irfaan Ali is up the wall and going to the mat on some brooch. Of course, it is the symbolism, the bold-faced testing of the waters in the Venezuelan leader’s appalling audacity and arrogance. Aside: unless Americans put her up to that, so they can rush to Guyana’s side, emphasize the special friendship between the US-Guyana. America controls Guyana, dangles its leaders on a string. America suspends Venezuelan leaders by their neckties, and they still delight in sticking their tongues at GT and the PPP.

Now Pres Ali is on fire and he runs to some CARICOM leaders with sharp protests to convey his displeasure. He, a president, was labeled “insolent” by the now jailed onetime Venezuelan badman, and what did Excellency Ali do? He settled for silence as his trusted companion. Clearly, there is some difficulty within PPP Govt camps in figuring out how to keep Pres. Ali focused, and maximizing returns from his scarce time. It was he himself who said in his first year, that he’s a busy man, with a million matters managed all at once. But he is so sharp-eyed, and brilliantly advised, that he zeroes in a brooch and makes a big stink about it.

Venezuelan agents violate borders, shoot Guyanese soldiers, sack local communities, haul away spoils. The best that PPP Govt headmen have to offer is soft words, softer sticks, and the softest footsteps. But a miniscule, miserable, and maggot-like brooch is made into this monstrous apparition and existential concern. Is this PPP Govt a comedy or an effigy? When I first read of Senora Delcy Rodriguez’s daring foreign adventure, while armed with a brooch, my reaction was if that is how she gets an adrenalin rush, then the gracious lady is best given wide berth, left to her antics. Civilized Guyanese know that’s exactly how one responds on encountering certain citizens on the street. People talking to themselves. People dressed in gaudy costumes, with bizarre ornaments completing intriguing dress codes.

Because I know how PPP leadership thinks, Dr. Ali’s firefight over a fly is taking a sledgehammer to a snail. Much ado about the rambunctious and frivolous. At bottom, it is the PPP Govt’s (and leadership) patented pattern of deflection. Distracting from the ruff stuff, covering up the tuff stuff. Like that US$2 billion gas project bacchanal. Pres Ali has studiously avoided addressing the gaping exposés in that energy masquerade, and in Delcy Rodriguez’s brooch he found the perfect distraction for gullible Guyanese. Recall the four-step recovery program developed by the PPP. Distort first. When that fails, deflect. Should that drop dead, then deny. And when all of those fall apart, then seek and destroy the messengers. Ali sealed his lips on the US$2 billion bag of tricks. Delcy Rodriguez’s brooch pulled his lips apart.

Canadian Firm Moves to Develop Uranium Project Long Whispered About in Guyana

April 29, 2026/in Culture & Society, Featured/by Staff Writer

For decades, there have been quiet acknowledgments—often denied, downplayed, or ignored—that Guyana sits atop uranium deposits. Today, those suspicions are no longer buried.

Canadian company U92 Energy Corp. has now formally advanced plans for a uranium project in Region Seven, effectively confirming what many in technical and mining circles have known but rarely stated openly: Guyana possesses commercially viable uranium resources.

The company disclosed that its Kurupung project spans approximately 92 square kilometres and is tied to a historical estimate of 20.6 million pounds of uranium. While U92 cautions that these figures are not yet compliant with current reporting standards, the scale is enough to place Guyana on the map of emerging uranium jurisdictions.

In its investor updates, U92 openly describes Guyana as a “mining-friendly” territory supported by a pro-mining government—language that signals confidence not just in the geology, but in the political environment surrounding extractive industries.

That openness marks a stark contrast to years of near silence around uranium. Unlike gold, bauxite, or now oil, uranium has remained a sensitive subject globally due to its strategic and security implications. Yet, with nuclear energy gaining renewed traction as part of the global clean energy transition, that silence is rapidly eroding.

The company is preparing to commence a 5,000-metre diamond drilling programme, with equipment already in-country and site preparations underway. Its goal is to update and expand the existing resource estimate by the second half of 2026.

Behind the scenes, technical teams are revisiting more than 129,000 metres of historical drilling data—further evidence that uranium exploration in Guyana is not new, but rather an old reality now stepping into public view.

What was once cautiously avoided in national discourse is now being positioned as an economic opportunity. The question going forward is not whether uranium exists in Guyana, but how transparently—and responsibly—its development will be managed.

The Wales Watchdog Series: Part 1

April 27, 2026/in Investigative Report/by Staff Writer

𝗜𝗡𝗧𝗥𝗢𝗗𝗨𝗖𝗧𝗜𝗢𝗡 :

In the interest of transparency and national accountability, 𝙏𝙝𝙚 592 𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣 is embarking on the grueling task of unraveling the labyrinthine conundrum that has become the Gas-to-Energy project. What was birthed as a singular, unilateral vision—a project declared the largest and most impactful in our nation’s history—was inexplicably brought to life without the safeguards of a formal feasibility study. Even more alarming is the apparent absence of rigorous due diligence regarding the contractor, Lindsayca, whose checkered international record was seemingly overlooked. As the price tag balloons and the timelines shift, we are committed to deconstructing this complex web of financial maneuvers and procedural bypasses, ensuring that every Guyanese citizen is clued into the reality of how their future is being managed. We invite you to join us on this investigative journey as we demand the clarity and oversight that our treasury, and our people, deserve.

𝗧𝗛𝗘 𝗣𝗥𝗘𝗠𝗜𝗦𝗘: 𝗔 𝗣𝗥𝗢𝗠𝗜𝗦𝗘 𝗢𝗡 𝗣𝗜𝗘𝗥 𝟭

In December 2022, the Government of Guyana (GoG) stood on the precipice of history, signing a $759 million USD contract with the Lindsayca-CH4 consortium. The promise was simple, yet seductive: a 300-megawatt power plant and Natural Gas Liquids (NGL) facility that would slash electricity costs by 50% by 2024.

But as the 2024 deadline crumbled, and as we stand in 2026 with a project total ballooning toward $1.1 billion USD, The 592 Guardian has pulled back the curtain on the “investigative vacuum” that allowed this deal to proceed. Our findings suggest that Lindsayca was never the “energy powerhouse” advertised, but rather a master of the 𝗘𝗣𝗖 𝗠𝗶𝗱𝗱𝗹𝗲𝗺𝗮𝗻 𝗠𝗼𝗱𝗲𝗹—Pl operating on high debt, low transparency, and a history of litigation.

𝗧𝗛𝗘 𝗩𝗘𝗡𝗘𝗭𝗨𝗘𝗟𝗔𝗡 𝗚𝗘𝗡𝗘𝗦𝗜𝗦 & 𝗧𝗛𝗘 𝗛𝗢𝗨𝗦𝗧𝗢𝗡 𝗛𝗨𝗦𝗧𝗟𝗘

Lindsayca was born in 1995 as a family-owned engineering firm in Venezuela. When the brothers Hector and Jesus Fuentes Guimare moved operations to Houston in 2003, they didn’t export a legacy of massive turbine construction; they exported a Rolodex.

𝗧𝗵𝗲 𝗥𝗲𝗱 𝗙𝗹𝗮𝗴𝘀 𝗜𝗴𝗻𝗼𝗿𝗲𝗱:

• The Gazprom Precedent: Before landing in Guyana, Lindsayca was embroiled in a $43 million USD dispute in Texas with Russian giant Gazprom. The allegations? Over-invoicing and under-performance on a gas compression plant. The pattern of “billing for the unbuilt” was established long before they touched Guyanese soil.

• The Debt Ratio: Independent financial audits from the 2016–2019 period—available during the bidding process—showed a company with staggering debt levels. Yet, the GoG’s evaluation committee deemed them “technically and financially sound” over world-class bidders like Guycan (Daewoo/Mitsubishi).

𝗧𝗛𝗘 𝗦𝗛𝗘𝗟𝗟 𝗚𝗔𝗠𝗘: 𝗧𝗛𝗘 “𝗥𝗗” 𝗖𝗢𝗡𝗡𝗘𝗖𝗧𝗜𝗢𝗡

Our investigation has tracked a sophisticated “internal procurement” loop. Lindsayca Guyana Inc. has not been purchasing critical materials directly from manufacturers.

Instead, invoices obtained by The 592 Guardian show a circular flow of funds:

1. Guyanese Taxpayer Dollars are paid to Lindsayca Guyana.

2. Lindsayca Guyana “purchases” materials from Lindsayca RD SAS (a shell entity in the Dominican Republic).

3. Lindsayca RD SAS—owned by the same Fuentes brothers—buys the materials with a massive markup, effectively “round-tripping” the profit into offshore accounts before a single turbine is fired.

“This isn’t infrastructure; it’s an extraction mechanism. They are self-supplying at a premium, then crying ‘insolvency’ to demand more money from the Guyanese treasury.” — Investigative Source, GTE Taskforce

𝗧𝗛𝗘 𝗣𝗥𝗜𝗖𝗘 𝗢𝗙 𝗦𝗜𝗟𝗘𝗡𝗖𝗘: $𝟭.𝟭 𝗕𝗜𝗟𝗟𝗜𝗢𝗡 𝗔𝗡𝗗 𝗖𝗢𝗨𝗡𝗧𝗜𝗡𝗚

Today, the “Deal of the Century” has become a “Debt of the Century.” The math is cold and unforgiving:

• Original Bid: $759 Million

• Arbitration Loss (DAAB): $102.7 Million (Paid by you, the taxpayer, due to site-access failures).

• The New Demand: $250 Million (The current “shakedown” amount Lindsayca claims is needed to reach late 2026).

𝗧𝗢𝗧𝗔𝗟 𝗖𝗢𝗦𝗧: $𝟭,𝟭𝟭𝟭,𝟳𝟬𝟬,𝟬𝟬𝟬 𝗨𝗦𝗗

𝗧𝗛𝗘 𝗚𝗨𝗔𝗥𝗗𝗜𝗔𝗡’𝗦 𝗩𝗘𝗥𝗗𝗜𝗖𝗧

The lack of due diligence by the Government of Guyana was not an “oversight”—it was a systemic failure. By bypassing established giants with proven track records for a firm with “shaky” financials and a history of legal warfare, the state has placed our energy security in the hands of a contractor that thrives on delays.

As the private jets ferry executives between Houston, the DR, and Georgetown at a cost of $70,000 USD per week, the Guyanese citizen is left holding a utility bill that isn’t shrinking—it’s subsidizing a Venezuelan-owned shell game.

𝗘𝗗𝗜𝗧𝗢𝗥’𝗦 𝗡𝗢𝗧𝗘: 𝗧𝗛𝗘 “𝗨𝗞 𝗠𝗔𝗡𝗘𝗨𝗩𝗘𝗥” & 𝗧𝗛𝗘 𝗨𝗦$𝟭𝟬𝟮𝗠 𝗕𝗜𝗟𝗟

𝗧𝗵𝗲 𝟱𝟵𝟮 𝗚𝘂𝗮𝗿𝗱𝗶𝗮𝗻 has uncovered a deliberate legal sequence that effectively “armored” the Gas-to-Energy (GtE) contractors against Guyanese oversight.

While the public was told this was an American-led project, the legal reality was engineered in the UK. On November 30, 2022—just 14 days before the contract was signed in Georgetown—the consortium registered 𝗟𝗜𝗡𝗗𝗦𝗔𝗬𝗖𝗔𝗗𝗘𝗩𝗘𝗟𝗢𝗣𝗠𝗘𝗡𝗧 𝗟𝗟𝗣 (𝗢𝗖𝟰𝟰𝟰𝟴𝟴𝟮) in the United Kingdom. This was not a coincidence; it was a tactical deployment.

𝗧𝗵𝗲 𝗖𝗼𝗻𝘀𝗲𝗾𝘂𝗲𝗻𝗰𝗲𝘀 𝗼𝗳 𝘁𝗵𝗲 “𝗣𝗮𝗽𝗲𝗿 𝗧𝗿𝗮𝗶𝗹”:

•𝗧𝗵𝗲 𝟭𝟵𝟴𝟵 𝗧𝗿𝗲𝗮𝘁𝘆 𝗧𝗿𝗮𝗽: By using a UK entity, the contractor successfully invoked the 1989 UK-Guyana Bilateral Investment Treaty. This allowed them to bypass our national courts and “drag” the government into international arbitration via the Dispute Adjudication/Avoidance Board (DAAB).

•𝗧𝗵𝗲 𝗨𝗦$𝟭𝟬𝟮.𝟳 𝗠𝗶𝗹𝗹𝗶𝗼𝗻 𝗣𝗮𝘆𝗼𝘂𝘁: As of January 2025, the DAAB ordered the Government of Guyana to pay the contractor a staggering US$102,679,839 for site handover delays and remediation. Despite government claims of “confidentiality,” records show these payments—equivalent to billions of Guyanese dollars—are already being siphoned from the Consolidated Fund in installments through 2026.

•𝗭𝗲𝗿𝗼 𝗟𝗼𝗰𝗮𝗹 𝗧𝗮𝘅 :Because the entity is a UK Limited Liability Partnership (LLP), it operates as a “tax-transparent” vehicle. Combined with the UK-Guyana Double Taxation Agreement, the contractor is shielded from local withholding taxes. While Guyanese citizens fund the project, the profits are repatriated to Houston and London virtually tax-free.

𝗧𝗵𝗲 𝗕𝗼𝘁𝘁𝗼𝗺 𝗟𝗶𝗻𝗲: Our “putting people first” administration signed a contract that allowed a foreign entity to use a British flag as a legal shield. As a result, Guyanese taxpayers are now paying a US$100 million penalty to a company that, by design, contributes nothing back to our national treasury in taxes.

This concludes the first segment of our investigative series.

𝗦𝗧𝗔𝗬 𝗧𝗨𝗡𝗘𝗗 𝗙𝗢𝗥 𝗣𝗔𝗥𝗧 𝗜𝗜 : The Double Agents—The Legal Architects and the $102M Poison Pill.

𝗧𝗛𝗘 𝟱𝟵𝟮 𝗚𝗨𝗔𝗥𝗗𝗜𝗔𝗡: Hard-Truth. Investigative Report. Your Rights, Guarded.

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592 𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣 — 𝙏𝙧𝙪𝙩𝙝 , 𝘼𝙘𝙘𝙤𝙪𝙣𝙩𝙖𝙗𝙞𝙡𝙞𝙩𝙮, 𝙄𝙣𝙩𝙚𝙜𝙧𝙞𝙩𝙮 𝙄𝙣 𝙂𝙪𝙮𝙖𝙣𝙖 𝘼𝙣𝙙 𝘾𝙖𝙧𝙞𝙗𝙗𝙚𝙖𝙣 𝙋𝙚𝙧𝙨𝙥𝙚𝙘𝙩𝙞𝙫𝙚𝙨

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