When Parliament Is Muzzled, The Street Must Speak- A Response to Rawle Small

592 GUARDIAN◊ ACCOUNTABILITY◊INTEGRITY JOURNALISM◊ GUYANA

When Parliament Is Muzzled, The Street Must Speak– A Response to Rawle Small


LETTER TO EDITOR

Dear Editor,

Mr. Small’s Kaieteur News  letter  dated August 12 dresses up a dangerous illusion: that in today’s Guyana, opposition silence or “measured” responses are somehow superior to constant confrontation. That theory is comforting to the ruling party and its apologists, but it collapses the moment you step outside the echo chamber and into the lived reality of ordinary people.

We are not living in a normal, healthy democracy where you can leisurely workshop counter‑budgets while corruption, marginalization, and discrimination politely wait their turn. We are watching a PPP government that has entrenched itself in every arm of the state, politicized institutions, punished dissent, and presided over a widening sense of fear and exclusion. In that climate, instant and constant reaction” is not a performance; it is survival politics. When injustice is daily and aggressive, delayed reaction is surrender.

Take the Barima tragedy. Instead of transparent disclosure, open debate, and genuine accountability, the Government’s instinct has been to shield itself, manage optics, and hope the story dies. If the opposition did not react loudly and repeatedly, if it did not hold the Government’s feet to the fire, the victims and their families would be left to the mercy of a political PR machine. Calling that necessary pressure “background noise” is an insult to those whose lives have been shattered and a favour to those who want the scandal buried.

Mr. Small’s neat hierarchy—policy papers at the top, public reaction at the bottom—also ignores a very inconvenient fact: the PPP has systematically strangled the very arena where alternatives are supposed to be presented. At the last sitting of the National Assembly, a raft of bills was rammed through by the Government majority without serious debate. This is not parliamentary democracy; it is legislative bulldozing. When the Speaker is used as a gatekeeper to shut down opposition voices and when bills are passed like party circulars, it is cynical to turn around and chastise the opposition for not presenting their “coherent agenda.”

You cannot demand counter‑budgets and shadow policies from an opposition whose microphones are cut, whose motions are sidelined, and whose contributions are treated as a nuisance in the chamber. If Parliament is reduced to a rubber stamp, then the street, the media, and direct engagement with citizens become the only realistic forum for dissent. Criticising the opposition for “taking it to the street” while ignoring the deliberate muzzling inside Parliament is not analysis; it is spin.

Let us be blunt: the PPP benefits from a narrative that paints the opposition as noisy, immature, and unserious, because it shifts the spotlight away from its own record—its refusal to share power honestly, its willingness to legislate without debate, and its comfort with a politicised state apparatus. Some commentators, consciously or not, are helping launder that narrative. They scold the opposition for reacting “too much” to corruption and discrimination, as though the real problem in Guyana is not the abuse of power, but the audacity of those who call it out.

Yes, the opposition must deepen its policy work, sharpen its organization, and expand its reach among workers, farmers, youth, Indigenous communities, and the most vulnerable. But we will not pretend that Guyana’s crisis is a mere deficit of opposition white papers. The crisis is a government that treats oversight as an inconvenience, that uses its majority like a hammer, and that has turned Parliament from a forum into a fortress.

In these conditions, a quiet, well‑behaved opposition is exactly what the ruling party wants. Guyana needs an opposition that is loud when it must be, unyielding when rights are trampled, and prepared to confront power in the streets when the doors of Parliament are slammed shut.

If that sounds like “background noise” to some, perhaps the real issue is not volume, but whose comfort they are protecting.

Sincerely,  

Leyland Chitlall Roopnarine

“A PLEA FOR JUSTICE”— MV BARIMA 

THE 592 GUARDIAN ♦ACCOUNTABILITY JOURNALISM ♦ GUYANA

 OPEN LETTER

“A PLEA FOR JUSTICE”— MV BARIMA 

Fellow Guyanese, my name is Luke Daniels. I live in London, and my nephew Omar Linden Harris, is the hero who lost his life while saving Alicia Atkinson and her 10-month-old child. 

As we grieve, we expect that no stone is left unturned in search of the truth of what happened to the MV Barima. As a grieving family member, I welcome the call for an independent commission of inquiry in which the Guyanese people and families of those who perished can have full confidence. I am concerned by the reports that many members of the team announced by the President of Guyana – without consultation and national consensus – have conflicts of interest and are apparently involved in financial and business dealing with the government of Guyana. This does not bode well for national confidence. 

As a grieving family, we are further concerned that the government seems to have decided to cease salvaging efforts to recover the MV Barima. Exxon Mobil is on the spot and they have all the equipment needed to recover the vessel, so why is this not being done?

We are further alarmed at the rush of the government of Guyana to solely decide on the future of the site of the sinking of the MV Barima, and to have circulated a petition for family members to sign agreeing to cease salvaging efforts. We do not agree and will not be signing any such petition. 

Every effort should be made to bring complete and full closure. This is a national tragedy, and the government is not the sole representative of the people of Guyana. All Guyana and family living abroad should be involved in decision-making. Decisions must be arrived at after full, transparent and open consultations and dialogue.

In Sadness and Hope,

Luke Daniels

𝐁𝐞𝐲𝐨𝐧𝐝 𝐅𝐨𝐫𝐞𝐧𝐬𝐢𝐜 𝐈𝐧𝐭𝐞𝐫𝐯𝐢𝐞𝐰𝐬: 𝐅𝐢𝐱𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐚 𝐁𝐫𝐨𝐤𝐞𝐧 𝐂𝐡𝐢𝐥𝐝 𝐏𝐫𝐨𝐭𝐞𝐜𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧 𝐒𝐲𝐬𝐭𝐞𝐦

Dear Editor,

The Government’s announced plan to establish a dedicated forensic interview (FI) unit for child abuse victims is a necessary and long-overdue step toward strengthening the national response to one of the most serious social crises affecting our society.

Currently, these interviews — a critical component in securing evidence and protecting victims — are conducted by non-governmental organisations such as ChildLink and Blossoms Inc., supported by the Child Protection Agency (CPA). Transitioning this function into a State-managed unit should, in principle, improve access and timeliness. However, while this development is welcome, it does not go far enough in addressing the deeper structural deficiencies that continue to undermine child protection efforts.

The central issue is not merely who conducts forensic interviews, but the absence of a cohesive, end-to-end investigative framework. At present, cases are fragmented across multiple agencies — police, Child Protection Officers, medical personnel, and external service providers — creating gaps where accountability is diluted and critical missteps can occur. These gaps often result in delayed medical examinations, inconsistent documentation, and poorly coordinated case management, all of which can ultimately weaken prosecutions.

What is required is a dedicated, specialised investigative unit assigned to each case from the point of report through to its submission to the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP). Such a unit should be responsible for coordinating every stage of the process: ensuring timely medical examinations, managing forensic interviews, liaising with child protection services, and producing comprehensive, high-quality case files. This continuity would eliminate the systemic lapses that currently allow cases to falter.

The Minister herself has acknowledged deficiencies in case reporting, noting that gaps in documentation can determine whether a matter “goes left or right.” While increased training is important, it cannot compensate for a system where responsibility is fragmented and no single entity is accountable for the integrity of the case from start to finish.

Equally concerning is the continued shortage of Child Protection Officers across regions. The existence of rapid response mechanisms is commendable, but these initiatives cannot function effectively without adequate staffing. One officer per region is not a solution; it is an admission of limited capacity in the face of a growing and complex problem.

The proposed digital tracking system is another positive initiative, offering the potential for greater visibility into how cases progress. However, tracking alone does not resolve systemic inefficiencies. It merely records them. Real reform requires structural alignment, clear lines of responsibility, and professional ownership of each case.

There is also concern regarding the extent of ministerial involvement in operational matters. While oversight is essential, the system risks inefficiency if it is subject to continuous micro-management at the political level. The role of the Minister should be to set policy direction, allocate resources, and conduct periodic audits to ensure accountability. The day-to-day management of cases must be left to trained professionals, supported by clear protocols and performance standards. Effective governance depends not on constant intervention, but on building a system that functions competently without it.

Child protection demands urgency, coordination, and professionalism. More importantly, it requires a system where accountability is clear and continuous, not dispersed across multiple actors. The establishment of a forensic interview unit is a step forward, but without broader structural reform, it risks becoming another isolated fix within an already strained framework.

If we are serious about protecting our children, then the approach must be comprehensive, integrated, and uncompromising in its focus on outcomes. Anything less will continue to leave vulnerable children exposed to the very failures we claim to be addressing.

Yours faithfully, 

Hemdutt Kumar 

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592 𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣-𝙏𝙧𝙪𝙩𝙝 , 𝘼𝙘𝙘𝙤𝙪𝙣𝙩𝙖𝙗𝙞𝙡𝙞𝙩𝙮, 𝙄𝙣𝙩𝙚𝙜𝙧𝙞𝙩𝙮 𝙄𝙣 𝙂𝙪𝙮𝙖𝙣𝙖 𝘼𝙣𝙙 𝘾𝙖𝙧𝙞𝙗𝙗𝙚𝙖𝙣 𝙋𝙚𝙧𝙨𝙥𝙚𝙘𝙩𝙞𝙫𝙚𝙨.— ✦—

.𝐔𝐒. 𝐓𝐢𝐠𝐡𝐭𝐞𝐧𝐬 𝐅𝐢𝐧𝐚𝐧𝐜𝐢𝐚𝐥 𝐍𝐨𝐨𝐬𝐞 𝐨𝐧 𝐂𝐮𝐛𝐚 𝐚𝐬 𝐓𝐫𝐮𝐦𝐩 𝐄𝐱𝐩𝐚𝐧𝐝𝐬 𝐒𝐚𝐧𝐜𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐬 𝐑𝐞𝐠𝐢𝐦𝐞

Dear Editor, 

 The United States has significantly escalated its economic offensive against Cuba, with President Donald Trump signing a sweeping executive order that broadens sanctions to target not only Cuban officials, but their adult family members and the international financial networks that sustain them.

 The order authorizes the U.S. Treasury to freeze assets, impose visa bans, and penalize foreign banks that facilitate transactions linked to sanctioned Cuban individuals and entities—effectively extending Washington’s reach deep into the global financial system.

Issued under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act, the directive builds on a national emergency declared in January and signals a more aggressive phase in U.S. efforts to isolate Havana amid its worsening economic crisis.

 Under the new framework, sanctions can be applied to key figures within Cuba’s political leadership, security apparatus, and economic sectors, as well as individuals accused of corruption or human rights abuses tied to the state. Notably, the measures extend to adult family members of those designated—an expansion that raises the personal stakes for Cuba’s ruling elite.

In a move likely to reverberate across global banking systems, the order also targets foreign financial institutions. Banks that conduct or facilitate significant transactions for sanctioned Cuban entities—including the Central Bank of Cuba—risk losing access to U.S. correspondent or payable-through accounts. This effectively threatens their ability to clear U.S. dollar transactions, a powerful deterrent in international finance.

 The policy intensifies pressure on Cuba at a moment of acute vulnerability. The island is grappling with severe fuel shortages, recurring nationwide blackouts, and disruptions to international travel. Washington’s earlier actions—including halting Venezuelan oil shipments and pressuring Mexico to cease exports—have compounded the crisis.

The latest order builds on Executive Order 14380, signed January 29, which introduced a separate tariff mechanism targeting countries supplying oil to Cuba and declared the Cuban government an “unusual and extraordinary threat” to U.S. national security.

 While the White House has framed the sanctions as a necessary response to Cuba’s alleged support for hostile actors and regional instability, it has yet to disclose the first wave of individuals and institutions to be designated under the expanded authorities.

Behind the policy lies an increasingly blunt posture from Trump himself. In remarks that have drawn international scrutiny, he openly floated the idea of exerting direct control over the island, stating in March, “Taking Cuba in some form… whether I free it, take it, I think I could do anything I want with it.”

 Despite the hardening rhetoric, diplomatic channels remain open. Cuban President Miguel Díaz-Canel, in a recent interview, acknowledged the possibility of dialogue but rejected U.S. demands tied to changes in Cuba’s political system, underscoring the entrenched divide between the two governments.Yet, amid this hardline approach, there are faint signals of dialogue. Pres . Diaz- Canel has acknowledged that discussions with the United States remain possible, though difficult. That fragile opening, however, risks being suffocated under the weight of escalating sanctions and maximalist demands.

 History has shown that sanctions, particularly broad and prolonged ones, rarely achieve their stated political objectives without imposing significant collateral damage. They entrench hardship, strain social systems, and often harden the very governments they seek to weaken.

Cuba today stands at a perilous crossroads. What it needs is not further isolation, but pragmatic engagement—solutions that recognize both the political complexities and the humanitarian realities on the ground.

 The question that must now be asked is not whether the United States has the power to impose such measures. It clearly does.

The real question is whether it has the moral clarity to recognize when that power is being exercised without sufficient regard for human consequence.

 Because when policy begins to disregard people, it ceases to be strategy—and becomes suffering by design.

Ultimately, the real impact of the sanctions will depend on enforcement—specifically, which individuals are targeted and whether global banks choose compliance over risk. If widely observed, the measures could further choke Cuba’s already fragile economy. If not, they risk becoming another symbolic escalation in a long-running geopolitical standoff.

For now, Washington has made one thing clear: economic pressure on Havana is not easing—it is accelerating.

 

Sincerely 

Hemdutt Kumar