Our Voices, Our Strength

BY: Hem Kumar                             

๐™๐™๐™š 592 ๐™‚๐™ช๐™–๐™ง๐™™๐™ž๐™–๐™ฃ

๐™๐™๐™š๐™ง๐™š ๐™˜๐™ค๐™ข๐™š๐™จ ๐™– ๐™ข๐™ค๐™ข๐™š๐™ฃ๐™ฉ ๐™ž๐™ฃ ๐™š๐™ซ๐™š๐™ง๐™ฎ ๐™ฃ๐™–๐™ฉ๐™ž๐™ค๐™ฃโ€™๐™จ ๐™จ๐™ฉ๐™ค๐™ง๐™ฎ ๐™ฌ๐™๐™š๐™ฃ ๐™จ๐™ž๐™ก๐™š๐™ฃ๐™˜๐™š ๐™—๐™š๐™˜๐™ค๐™ข๐™š๐™จ ๐™—๐™š๐™ฉ๐™ง๐™–๐™ฎ๐™–๐™กโ€”๐™–๐™ฃ๐™™ ๐™›๐™ค๐™ง ๐™ข๐™–๐™ฃ๐™ฎ ๐™‚๐™ช๐™ฎ๐™–๐™ฃ๐™š๐™จ๐™š, ๐™ฉ๐™๐™–๐™ฉ ๐™ข๐™ค๐™ข๐™š๐™ฃ๐™ฉ ๐™›๐™š๐™š๐™ก๐™จ ๐™ก๐™ž๐™ ๐™š ๐™ฃ๐™ค๐™ฌ.

Across villages, towns, and cities, a quiet unease has been growing into something louder, something harder to ignore. It is not just about one man. It is not just about one party. It is about a pattern people believe they are seeingโ€”one where power appears to tighten its grip, where justice feels uneven, and where fear is slowly being introduced into spaces that once held hope.

What happened on May 5th did not exist in isolation. It struck a nerve because it confirmed what many have been whispering: that dissent is becoming dangerous, and that those who challenge the status quo may be made examples of.

๐˜ผ๐™ฃ๐™™ ๐™ฎ๐™š๐™ฉโ€”๐™ฉ๐™๐™ž๐™จ ๐™ž๐™จ ๐™ฌ๐™๐™š๐™ง๐™š ๐™‚๐™ช๐™ฎ๐™–๐™ฃ๐™– ๐™ข๐™ช๐™จ๐™ฉ ๐™™๐™š๐™˜๐™ž๐™™๐™š ๐™ฌ๐™๐™ค ๐™ฌ๐™š ๐™–๐™ง๐™š.

๐˜ผ๐™ง๐™š ๐™ฌ๐™š ๐™– ๐™ฅ๐™š๐™ค๐™ฅ๐™ก๐™š ๐™ฌ๐™๐™ค ๐™ง๐™š๐™ฉ๐™ง๐™š๐™–๐™ฉ ๐™ž๐™ฃ๐™ฉ๐™ค ๐™จ๐™ž๐™ก๐™š๐™ฃ๐™˜๐™š ๐™ฌ๐™๐™š๐™ฃ ๐™ฅ๐™ง๐™š๐™จ๐™จ๐™ช๐™ง๐™š ๐™ง๐™ž๐™จ๐™š๐™จ? ๐™Š๐™ง ๐™–๐™ง๐™š ๐™ฌ๐™š ๐™– ๐™ฅ๐™š๐™ค๐™ฅ๐™ก๐™š ๐™ฌ๐™๐™ค ๐™จ๐™ฉ๐™–๐™ฃ๐™™ ๐™›๐™ž๐™ง๐™ข๐™š๐™ง, ๐™จ๐™ฅ๐™š๐™–๐™  ๐™ก๐™ค๐™ช๐™™๐™š๐™ง, ๐™–๐™ฃ๐™™ ๐™™๐™š๐™ข๐™–๐™ฃ๐™™ ๐™—๐™š๐™ฉ๐™ฉ๐™š๐™งโ€”๐™ฃ๐™ค๐™ฉ ๐™ฌ๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™ ๐™˜๐™๐™–๐™ค๐™จ, ๐™—๐™ช๐™ฉ ๐™ฌ๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™ ๐™˜๐™ค๐™ช๐™ง๐™–๐™œ๐™š?

Because letโ€™s be clear: the road ahead will not be easy. It will test patience. It will test unity. It will test resolve. Those who choose to speak out will be scrutinized, pressured, and at times, isolated. That is the nature of any struggle where power is being questioned.

 ๐˜ฝ๐™ช๐™ฉ ๐™๐™ž๐™จ๐™ฉ๐™ค๐™ง๐™ฎ ๐™๐™–๐™จ ๐™ฃ๐™š๐™ซ๐™š๐™ง ๐™›๐™–๐™ซ๐™ค๐™ง๐™š๐™™ ๐™ฉ๐™๐™ค๐™จ๐™š ๐™ฌ๐™๐™ค ๐™จ๐™ฉ๐™–๐™ฎ๐™š๐™™ ๐™˜๐™ค๐™ข๐™›๐™ค๐™ง๐™ฉ๐™–๐™—๐™ก๐™š. ๐™„๐™ฉ ๐™๐™–๐™จ ๐™–๐™ก๐™ฌ๐™–๐™ฎ๐™จ ๐™ง๐™š๐™ข๐™š๐™ข๐™—๐™š๐™ง๐™š๐™™ ๐™ฉ๐™๐™ค๐™จ๐™š ๐™ฌ๐™๐™ค ๐™จ๐™ฉ๐™ค๐™ค๐™™ ๐™ช๐™ฅโ€”๐™˜๐™–๐™ก๐™ข๐™ก๐™ฎ, ๐™›๐™ž๐™ง๐™ข๐™ก๐™ฎ, ๐™–๐™ฃ๐™™ ๐™ฌ๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™๐™ค๐™ช๐™ฉ ๐™–๐™ฅ๐™ค๐™ก๐™ค๐™œ๐™ฎโ€”๐™›๐™ค๐™ง ๐™ฌ๐™๐™–๐™ฉ ๐™ž๐™จ ๐™ง๐™ž๐™œ๐™๐™ฉ.

๐™๐™๐™ž๐™จ ๐™ž๐™จ ๐™ฃ๐™ค๐™ฉ ๐™– ๐™˜๐™–๐™ก๐™ก ๐™ฉ๐™ค ๐™™๐™ž๐™ซ๐™ž๐™จ๐™ž๐™ค๐™ฃ. ๐™„๐™ฉ ๐™ž๐™จ ๐™– ๐™˜๐™–๐™ก๐™ก ๐™ฉ๐™ค ๐™–๐™ฌ๐™–๐™ง๐™š๐™ฃ๐™š๐™จ๐™จ.

It is a call to citizensโ€”regardless of race, class, or political alignmentโ€”to pay attention, to ask questions, and to refuse to accept a version of justice that depends on who you are or who you support.

If we allow fear to take root, then we surrender more than a momentโ€”we surrender the very foundation of democracy itself.

And so, as the days unfold and tensions rise, one thing must remain unshaken: the belief that Guyana belongs to its peopleโ€”not to power, not to intimidation, not to selective justice.

๐˜ฝ๐™ช๐™ฉ ๐™๐™ž๐™จ๐™ฉ๐™ค๐™ง๐™ฎ ๐™๐™–๐™จ ๐™ฃ๐™š๐™ซ๐™š๐™ง ๐™›๐™–๐™ซ๐™ค๐™ง๐™š๐™™ ๐™ฉ๐™๐™ค๐™จ๐™š ๐™ฌ๐™๐™ค ๐™จ๐™ฉ๐™–๐™ฎ๐™š๐™™ ๐™˜๐™ค๐™ข๐™›๐™ค๐™ง๐™ฉ๐™–๐™—๐™ก๐™š. ๐™„๐™ฉ ๐™๐™–๐™จ ๐™–๐™ก๐™ฌ๐™–๐™ฎ๐™จ ๐™ง๐™š๐™ข๐™š๐™ข๐™—๐™š๐™ง๐™š๐™™ ๐™ฉ๐™๐™ค๐™จ๐™š ๐™ฌ๐™๐™ค ๐™จ๐™ฉ๐™ค๐™ค๐™™ ๐™ช๐™ฅโ€”๐™˜๐™–๐™ก๐™ข๐™ก๐™ฎ, ๐™›๐™ž๐™ง๐™ข๐™ก๐™ฎ, ๐™–๐™ฃ๐™™ ๐™ฌ๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™๐™ค๐™ช๐™ฉ ๐™–๐™ฅ๐™ค๐™ก๐™ค๐™œ๐™ฎโ€”๐™›๐™ค๐™ง ๐™ฌ๐™๐™–๐™ฉ ๐™ž๐™จ ๐™ง๐™ž๐™œ๐™๐™ฉ.

๐™๐™๐™ž๐™จ ๐™ž๐™จ ๐™ฃ๐™ค๐™ฉ ๐™– ๐™˜๐™–๐™ก๐™ก ๐™ฉ๐™ค ๐™™๐™ž๐™ซ๐™ž๐™จ๐™ž๐™ค๐™ฃ. ๐™„๐™ฉ ๐™ž๐™จ ๐™– ๐™˜๐™–๐™ก๐™ก ๐™ฉ๐™ค ๐™–๐™ฌ๐™–๐™ง๐™š๐™ฃ๐™š๐™จ๐™จ.

Because when justice becomes uncertain, it is not just leaders who are at riskโ€”it is every citizen.

Stand steady. Stay vigilant. And most importantly, do not lose sight of what this is truly about: a Guyana where fairness is not a favor, but a right.

๐™’๐™š ๐™–๐™ง๐™š ๐™ฃ๐™ค๐™ฉ ๐™ฉ๐™๐™š๐™ง๐™š ๐™ฎ๐™š๐™ฉ.

๐˜ฝ๐™ช๐™ฉ ๐™ฌ๐™š ๐™–๐™ง๐™š ๐™ฃ๐™ค๐™ฉ ๐™—๐™–๐™˜๐™ ๐™ž๐™ฃ๐™œ ๐™™๐™ค๐™ฌ๐™ฃ ๐™š๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™๐™š๐™ง.

๐“๐จ๐ ๐ž๐ญ๐ก๐ž๐ซ, ๐–๐ž ๐‘๐ข๐ฌ๐ž ๐€๐ ๐š๐ข๐ง โ€” ๐Ž๐๐ž ๐ญ๐จ ๐…๐ซ๐ž๐ž๐๐จ๐ฆ โ€”  ๐™๐™๐™š 592 ๐™‚๐™ช๐™–๐™ง๐™™๐™ž๐™–๐™ฃ

๐˜›๐˜ฉ๐˜ช๐˜ด ๐˜ช๐˜ด ๐˜ฐ๐˜ถ๐˜ณ ๐˜ค๐˜ข๐˜ญ๐˜ญ.

๐˜•๐˜ฐ๐˜ต ๐˜ธ๐˜ฉ๐˜ช๐˜ด๐˜ฑ๐˜ฆ๐˜ณ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฅ ๐˜ช๐˜ฏ ๐˜ค๐˜ฐ๐˜ณ๐˜ฏ๐˜ฆ๐˜ณ๐˜ด,

๐˜ฏ๐˜ฐ๐˜ต ๐˜ฃ๐˜ถ๐˜ณ๐˜ช๐˜ฆ๐˜ฅ ๐˜ช๐˜ฏ ๐˜ง๐˜ฆ๐˜ข๐˜ณ,

๐˜ฃ๐˜ถ๐˜ต ๐˜ค๐˜ข๐˜ณ๐˜ณ๐˜ช๐˜ฆ๐˜ฅ ๐˜ช๐˜ฏ ๐˜ต๐˜ฉ๐˜ฆ ๐˜ง๐˜ถ๐˜ญ๐˜ญ ๐˜ท๐˜ฐ๐˜ช๐˜ค๐˜ฆ ๐˜ฐ๐˜ง ๐˜ข ๐˜ฑ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฐ๐˜ฑ๐˜ญ๐˜ฆ

๐˜ธ๐˜ฉ๐˜ฐ ๐˜ณ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฎ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฎ๐˜ฃ๐˜ฆ๐˜ณ ๐˜ธ๐˜ฉ๐˜ฐ ๐˜ต๐˜ฉ๐˜ฆ๐˜บ ๐˜ข๐˜ณ๐˜ฆ.

๐˜ž๐˜ฆ ๐˜ข๐˜ณ๐˜ฆ ๐˜ต๐˜ฉ๐˜ฆ ๐˜ด๐˜ฐ๐˜ฏ๐˜ด ๐˜ข๐˜ฏ๐˜ฅ ๐˜ฅ๐˜ข๐˜ถ๐˜จ๐˜ฉ๐˜ต๐˜ฆ๐˜ณ๐˜ด

๐˜ฐ๐˜ง ๐˜ต๐˜ฉ๐˜ฐ๐˜ด๐˜ฆ ๐˜ธ๐˜ฉ๐˜ฐ ๐˜ด๐˜ต๐˜ฐ๐˜ฐ๐˜ฅ ๐˜ธ๐˜ฉ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฏ ๐˜ช๐˜ต ๐˜ธ๐˜ข๐˜ด ๐˜ฅ๐˜ข๐˜ฏ๐˜จ๐˜ฆ๐˜ณ๐˜ฐ๐˜ถ๐˜ด ๐˜ต๐˜ฐ ๐˜ด๐˜ต๐˜ข๐˜ฏ๐˜ฅ,

๐˜ธ๐˜ฉ๐˜ฐ ๐˜ด๐˜ฑ๐˜ฐ๐˜ฌ๐˜ฆ ๐˜ธ๐˜ฉ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฏ ๐˜ด๐˜ช๐˜ญ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฏ๐˜ค๐˜ฆ ๐˜ธ๐˜ข๐˜ด ๐˜ด๐˜ข๐˜ง๐˜ฆ๐˜ณ,

๐˜ธ๐˜ฉ๐˜ฐ ๐˜ฃ๐˜ณ๐˜ฐ๐˜ฌ๐˜ฆ ๐˜ต๐˜ฉ๐˜ฆ ๐˜ฃ๐˜ข๐˜ค๐˜ฌ ๐˜ฐ๐˜ง ๐˜ค๐˜ฐ๐˜ญ๐˜ฐ๐˜ฏ๐˜ช๐˜ป๐˜ข๐˜ต๐˜ช๐˜ฐ๐˜ฏ

๐˜ธ๐˜ช๐˜ต๐˜ฉ ๐˜ฏ๐˜ฐ๐˜ต๐˜ฉ๐˜ช๐˜ฏ๐˜จ ๐˜ฃ๐˜ถ๐˜ต ๐˜ธ๐˜ช๐˜ญ๐˜ญ, ๐˜ถ๐˜ฏ๐˜ช๐˜ต๐˜บ, ๐˜ข๐˜ฏ๐˜ฅ ๐˜ข๐˜ฏ ๐˜ถ๐˜ฏ๐˜ด๐˜ฉ๐˜ข๐˜ฌ๐˜ข๐˜ฃ๐˜ญ๐˜ฆ ๐˜ฃ๐˜ฆ๐˜ญ๐˜ช๐˜ฆ๐˜ง

๐˜ต๐˜ฉ๐˜ข๐˜ต ๐˜Ž๐˜ถ๐˜บ๐˜ข๐˜ฏ๐˜ข ๐˜ฃ๐˜ฆ๐˜ญ๐˜ฐ๐˜ฏ๐˜จ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฅ ๐˜ต๐˜ฐ ๐˜ต๐˜ฉ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฎ.

๐˜š๐˜ช๐˜น๐˜ต๐˜บ ๐˜บ๐˜ฆ๐˜ข๐˜ณ๐˜ด ๐˜ข๐˜จ๐˜ฐ,

๐˜ต๐˜ฉ๐˜ฆ๐˜บ ๐˜ฅ๐˜ช๐˜ฅ ๐˜ฏ๐˜ฐ๐˜ต ๐˜ธ๐˜ข๐˜ช๐˜ต ๐˜ง๐˜ฐ๐˜ณ ๐˜ฑ๐˜ฆ๐˜ณ๐˜ฎ๐˜ช๐˜ด๐˜ด๐˜ช๐˜ฐ๐˜ฏ.

๐˜›๐˜ฉ๐˜ฆ๐˜บ ๐˜ฅ๐˜ช๐˜ฅ ๐˜ฏ๐˜ฐ๐˜ต ๐˜ฃ๐˜ฐ๐˜ธ ๐˜ต๐˜ฐ ๐˜ฑ๐˜ณ๐˜ฆ๐˜ด๐˜ด๐˜ถ๐˜ณ๐˜ฆ.

๐˜›๐˜ฉ๐˜ฆ๐˜บ ๐˜ฅ๐˜ช๐˜ฅ ๐˜ฏ๐˜ฐ๐˜ต ๐˜ด๐˜ถ๐˜ณ๐˜ณ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฏ๐˜ฅ๐˜ฆ๐˜ณ ๐˜ต๐˜ฐ ๐˜ฅ๐˜ฐ๐˜ถ๐˜ฃ๐˜ต.

๐˜›๐˜ฉ๐˜ฆ๐˜บ ๐˜ณ๐˜ฐ๐˜ด๐˜ฆ. ๐˜ˆ๐˜ฏ๐˜ฅ ๐˜ต๐˜ฐ๐˜ฅ๐˜ข๐˜บโ€”๐˜ฉ๐˜ช๐˜ด๐˜ต๐˜ฐ๐˜ณ๐˜บ ๐˜ต๐˜ข๐˜ฑ๐˜ด ๐˜ถ๐˜ด ๐˜ฐ๐˜ฏ ๐˜ต๐˜ฉ๐˜ฆ ๐˜ด๐˜ฉ๐˜ฐ๐˜ถ๐˜ญ๐˜ฅ๐˜ฆ๐˜ณ ๐˜ข๐˜จ๐˜ข๐˜ช๐˜ฏ.

๐˜•๐˜ฐ๐˜ต ๐˜ข๐˜ด ๐˜ข ๐˜ฎ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฎ๐˜ฐ๐˜ณ๐˜บ,๐˜ฃ๐˜ถ๐˜ต ๐˜ข๐˜ด ๐˜ข ๐˜ฅ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฎ๐˜ข๐˜ฏ๐˜ฅ.

๐˜‰๐˜ฆ๐˜ค๐˜ข๐˜ถ๐˜ด๐˜ฆ ๐˜ต๐˜ฉ๐˜ฆ ๐˜ฒ๐˜ถ๐˜ฆ๐˜ด๐˜ต๐˜ช๐˜ฐ๐˜ฏ ๐˜ฃ๐˜ฆ๐˜ง๐˜ฐ๐˜ณ๐˜ฆ ๐˜ถ๐˜ด ๐˜ช๐˜ด ๐˜ฏ๐˜ฐ ๐˜ญ๐˜ฐ๐˜ฏ๐˜จ๐˜ฆ๐˜ณ ๐˜ข๐˜ฃ๐˜ด๐˜ต๐˜ณ๐˜ข๐˜ค๐˜ต:

๐˜ž๐˜ฉ๐˜ข๐˜ต ๐˜ฌ๐˜ช๐˜ฏ๐˜ฅ ๐˜ฐ๐˜ง ๐˜ฏ๐˜ข๐˜ต๐˜ช๐˜ฐ๐˜ฏ ๐˜ธ๐˜ช๐˜ญ๐˜ญ ๐˜ธ๐˜ฆ ๐˜ญ๐˜ฆ๐˜ข๐˜ท๐˜ฆ ๐˜ฃ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฉ๐˜ช๐˜ฏ๐˜ฅ?

๐˜ž๐˜ฉ๐˜ข๐˜ต ๐˜ธ๐˜ช๐˜ญ๐˜ญ ๐˜ฐ๐˜ถ๐˜ณ ๐˜ค๐˜ฉ๐˜ช๐˜ญ๐˜ฅ๐˜ณ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฏ ๐˜ช๐˜ฏ๐˜ฉ๐˜ฆ๐˜ณ๐˜ช๐˜ตโ€”

๐˜ข ๐˜ค๐˜ฐ๐˜ถ๐˜ฏ๐˜ต๐˜ณ๐˜บ ๐˜ด๐˜ฉ๐˜ข๐˜ฑ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฅ ๐˜ฃ๐˜บ ๐˜ค๐˜ฐ๐˜ถ๐˜ณ๐˜ข๐˜จ๐˜ฆ,

๐˜ฐ๐˜ณ ๐˜ฐ๐˜ฏ๐˜ฆ ๐˜ฅ๐˜ช๐˜ฎ๐˜ช๐˜ฏ๐˜ช๐˜ด๐˜ฉ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฅ ๐˜ฃ๐˜บ ๐˜ง๐˜ฆ๐˜ข๐˜ณ?

๐˜›๐˜ฉ๐˜ช๐˜ด ๐˜ช๐˜ด ๐˜ฏ๐˜ฐ๐˜ต ๐˜ข ๐˜ฎ๐˜ฐ๐˜ฎ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฏ๐˜ต ๐˜ง๐˜ฐ๐˜ณ ๐˜ด๐˜ฑ๐˜ฆ๐˜ค๐˜ต๐˜ข๐˜ต๐˜ฐ๐˜ณ๐˜ด.

๐˜›๐˜ฉ๐˜ช๐˜ด ๐˜ช๐˜ด ๐˜ข ๐˜ฎ๐˜ฐ๐˜ฎ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฏ๐˜ต ๐˜ง๐˜ฐ๐˜ณ ๐˜ค๐˜ช๐˜ต๐˜ช๐˜ป๐˜ฆ๐˜ฏ๐˜ด.

๐˜๐˜ฐ๐˜ณ ๐˜ฆ๐˜ท๐˜ฆ๐˜ณ๐˜บ ๐˜ฎ๐˜ข๐˜ฏ.

๐˜๐˜ฐ๐˜ณ ๐˜ฆ๐˜ท๐˜ฆ๐˜ณ๐˜บ ๐˜ธ๐˜ฐ๐˜ฎ๐˜ข๐˜ฏ.

๐˜๐˜ฐ๐˜ณ ๐˜ฆ๐˜ท๐˜ฆ๐˜ณ๐˜บ ๐˜บ๐˜ฐ๐˜ถ๐˜ฏ๐˜จ ๐˜ฑ๐˜ฆ๐˜ณ๐˜ด๐˜ฐ๐˜ฏ ๐˜ธ๐˜ข๐˜ต๐˜ค๐˜ฉ๐˜ช๐˜ฏ๐˜จ ๐˜ข๐˜ฏ๐˜ฅ ๐˜ธ๐˜ฐ๐˜ฏ๐˜ฅ๐˜ฆ๐˜ณ๐˜ช๐˜ฏ๐˜จ ๐˜ช๐˜ง ๐˜ต๐˜ฉ๐˜ฆ๐˜ช๐˜ณ ๐˜ท๐˜ฐ๐˜ช๐˜ค๐˜ฆ ๐˜ฎ๐˜ข๐˜ต๐˜ต๐˜ฆ๐˜ณ๐˜ด.๐˜๐˜ต ๐˜ฅ๐˜ฐ๐˜ฆ๐˜ด.๐˜๐˜ต ๐˜ข๐˜ญ๐˜ธ๐˜ข๐˜บ๐˜ด ๐˜ฉ๐˜ข๐˜ด.

๐˜ˆ๐˜ฏ๐˜ฅ ๐˜ธ๐˜ฉ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฏ ๐˜ท๐˜ฐ๐˜ช๐˜ค๐˜ฆ๐˜ด ๐˜ค๐˜ฐ๐˜ฎ๐˜ฆ ๐˜ต๐˜ฐ๐˜จ๐˜ฆ๐˜ต๐˜ฉ๐˜ฆ๐˜ณ,

๐˜ต๐˜ฉ๐˜ฆ๐˜บ ๐˜ฃ๐˜ฆ๐˜ค๐˜ฐ๐˜ฎ๐˜ฆ ๐˜ด๐˜ฐ๐˜ฎ๐˜ฆ๐˜ต๐˜ฉ๐˜ช๐˜ฏ๐˜จ ๐˜จ๐˜ณ๐˜ฆ๐˜ข๐˜ต๐˜ฆ๐˜ณ ๐˜ต๐˜ฉ๐˜ข๐˜ฏ ๐˜ด๐˜ฐ๐˜ถ๐˜ฏ๐˜ฅโ€”๐˜ต๐˜ฉ๐˜ฆ๐˜บ ๐˜ฃ๐˜ฆ๐˜ค๐˜ฐ๐˜ฎ๐˜ฆ ๐˜ง๐˜ฐ๐˜ณ๐˜ค๐˜ฆ,

๐˜ต๐˜ฉ๐˜ฆ๐˜บ ๐˜ฃ๐˜ฆ๐˜ค๐˜ฐ๐˜ฎ๐˜ฆ ๐˜ฑ๐˜ณ๐˜ฆ๐˜ด๐˜ด๐˜ถ๐˜ณ๐˜ฆ,๐˜ต๐˜ฉ๐˜ฆ๐˜บ ๐˜ฃ๐˜ฆ๐˜ค๐˜ฐ๐˜ฎ๐˜ฆ ๐˜ค๐˜ฉ๐˜ข๐˜ฏ๐˜จ๐˜ฆ.

๐˜š๐˜ฐ ๐˜ด๐˜ต๐˜ข๐˜ฏ๐˜ฅ.

๐˜š๐˜ต๐˜ข๐˜ฏ๐˜ฅ ๐˜ฏ๐˜ฐ๐˜ต ๐˜ช๐˜ฏ ๐˜ข๐˜ฏ๐˜จ๐˜ฆ๐˜ณ ๐˜ข๐˜ญ๐˜ฐ๐˜ฏ๐˜ฆ,๐˜ฃ๐˜ถ๐˜ต ๐˜ช๐˜ฏ ๐˜ฑ๐˜ถ๐˜ณ๐˜ฑ๐˜ฐ๐˜ด๐˜ฆ.

๐˜š๐˜ต๐˜ข๐˜ฏ๐˜ฅ ๐˜ฏ๐˜ฐ๐˜ต ๐˜ฅ๐˜ช๐˜ท๐˜ช๐˜ฅ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฅ ๐˜ฃ๐˜บ ๐˜ณ๐˜ข๐˜ค๐˜ฆ ๐˜ฐ๐˜ณ ๐˜ฑ๐˜ข๐˜ณ๐˜ต๐˜บ,

๐˜ฃ๐˜ถ๐˜ต ๐˜ถ๐˜ฏ๐˜ช๐˜ต๐˜ฆ๐˜ฅ ๐˜ฃ๐˜บ ๐˜ฑ๐˜ณ๐˜ช๐˜ฏ๐˜ค๐˜ช๐˜ฑ๐˜ญ๐˜ฆ.

๐˜š๐˜ต๐˜ข๐˜ฏ๐˜ฅ ๐˜ข๐˜ด ๐˜ต๐˜ณ๐˜ถ๐˜ญ๐˜บ ๐˜ช๐˜ฏ๐˜ฅ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฑ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฏ๐˜ฅ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฏ๐˜ต ๐˜ค๐˜ช๐˜ต๐˜ช๐˜ป๐˜ฆ๐˜ฏ๐˜ด,

๐˜ฏ๐˜ฐ๐˜ต ๐˜ฐ๐˜ธ๐˜ฏ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฅ, ๐˜ฏ๐˜ฐ๐˜ต ๐˜ด๐˜ช๐˜ญ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฏ๐˜ค๐˜ฆ๐˜ฅ, ๐˜ฏ๐˜ฐ๐˜ต ๐˜ช๐˜ฏ๐˜ต๐˜ช๐˜ฎ๐˜ช๐˜ฅ๐˜ข๐˜ต๐˜ฆ๐˜ฅ.

๐˜“๐˜ฆ๐˜ต ๐˜บ๐˜ฐ๐˜ถ๐˜ณ ๐˜ท๐˜ฐ๐˜ช๐˜ค๐˜ฆ ๐˜ค๐˜ข๐˜ณ๐˜ณ๐˜บโ€”๐˜ช๐˜ฏ ๐˜บ๐˜ฐ๐˜ถ๐˜ณ ๐˜ฉ๐˜ฐ๐˜ฎ๐˜ฆ๐˜ด,

๐˜ช๐˜ฏ ๐˜บ๐˜ฐ๐˜ถ๐˜ณ ๐˜ค๐˜ฐ๐˜ฎ๐˜ฎ๐˜ถ๐˜ฏ๐˜ช๐˜ต๐˜ช๐˜ฆ๐˜ด,

๐˜ช๐˜ฏ ๐˜ฆ๐˜ท๐˜ฆ๐˜ณ๐˜บ ๐˜ด๐˜ฑ๐˜ข๐˜ค๐˜ฆ ๐˜ธ๐˜ฉ๐˜ฆ๐˜ณ๐˜ฆ ๐˜ต๐˜ณ๐˜ถ๐˜ต๐˜ฉ ๐˜ฎ๐˜ถ๐˜ด๐˜ต ๐˜ฃ๐˜ฆ ๐˜ด๐˜ฑ๐˜ฐ๐˜ฌ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฏ.

๐˜“๐˜ฆ๐˜ต ๐˜บ๐˜ฐ๐˜ถ๐˜ณ ๐˜ฑ๐˜ณ๐˜ฆ๐˜ด๐˜ฆ๐˜ฏ๐˜ค๐˜ฆ ๐˜ณ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฎ๐˜ช๐˜ฏ๐˜ฅ ๐˜ต๐˜ฉ๐˜ฐ๐˜ด๐˜ฆ ๐˜ช๐˜ฏ ๐˜ฑ๐˜ฐ๐˜ธ๐˜ฆ๐˜ณ

๐˜ต๐˜ฉ๐˜ข๐˜ต ๐˜ข๐˜ถ๐˜ต๐˜ฉ๐˜ฐ๐˜ณ๐˜ช๐˜ต๐˜บ ๐˜ช๐˜ด ๐˜ฏ๐˜ฐ๐˜ต ๐˜ฐ๐˜ธ๐˜ฏ๐˜ฆ๐˜ณ๐˜ด๐˜ฉ๐˜ช๐˜ฑ,

๐˜ข๐˜ฏ๐˜ฅ ๐˜จ๐˜ฐ๐˜ท๐˜ฆ๐˜ณ๐˜ฏ๐˜ข๐˜ฏ๐˜ค๐˜ฆ ๐˜ช๐˜ด ๐˜ฏ๐˜ฐ๐˜ต ๐˜ค๐˜ฐ๐˜ฏ๐˜ต๐˜ณ๐˜ฐ๐˜ญ.

๐˜ž๐˜ฆ ๐˜ข๐˜ณ๐˜ฆ ๐˜ฏ๐˜ฐ๐˜ต ๐˜ฉ๐˜ฆ๐˜ณ๐˜ฆ ๐˜ต๐˜ฐ ๐˜ฃ๐˜ฆ๐˜จ ๐˜ง๐˜ฐ๐˜ณ ๐˜ง๐˜ข๐˜ช๐˜ณ๐˜ฏ๐˜ฆ๐˜ด๐˜ด.

๐˜ž๐˜ฆ ๐˜ข๐˜ณ๐˜ฆ ๐˜ฉ๐˜ฆ๐˜ณ๐˜ฆ ๐˜ต๐˜ฐ ๐˜ช๐˜ฏ๐˜ด๐˜ช๐˜ด๐˜ต ๐˜ฐ๐˜ฏ ๐˜ช๐˜ต.

๐˜‰๐˜ฆ๐˜ค๐˜ข๐˜ถ๐˜ด๐˜ฆ ๐˜ต๐˜ฉ๐˜ช๐˜ด ๐˜ญ๐˜ข๐˜ฏ๐˜ฅโ€”

๐˜ฆ๐˜ท๐˜ฆ๐˜ณ๐˜บ ๐˜ณ๐˜ช๐˜ท๐˜ฆ๐˜ณ, ๐˜ฆ๐˜ท๐˜ฆ๐˜ณ๐˜บ ๐˜ท๐˜ช๐˜ญ๐˜ญ๐˜ข๐˜จ๐˜ฆ, ๐˜ฆ๐˜ท๐˜ฆ๐˜ณ๐˜บ ๐˜ด๐˜ต๐˜ณ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฆ๐˜ตโ€”๐˜ธ๐˜ข๐˜ด ๐˜ด๐˜ฉ๐˜ข๐˜ฑ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฅ ๐˜ฃ๐˜บ ๐˜ด๐˜ข๐˜ค๐˜ณ๐˜ช๐˜ง๐˜ช๐˜ค๐˜ฆ.

๐˜ˆ๐˜ฏ๐˜ฅ ๐˜ธ๐˜ฆ ๐˜ธ๐˜ช๐˜ญ๐˜ญ ๐˜ฏ๐˜ฐ๐˜ต ๐˜ข๐˜ญ๐˜ญ๐˜ฐ๐˜ธ ๐˜ต๐˜ฉ๐˜ข๐˜ต ๐˜ญ๐˜ฆ๐˜จ๐˜ข๐˜ค๐˜บ

๐˜ต๐˜ฐ ๐˜ฃ๐˜ฆ ๐˜ธ๐˜ฆ๐˜ข๐˜ฌ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฏ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฅ ๐˜ฃ๐˜บ ๐˜ง๐˜ฆ๐˜ข๐˜ณ ๐˜ฐ๐˜ณ ๐˜ง๐˜ฐ๐˜ณ๐˜จ๐˜ฐ๐˜ต๐˜ต๐˜ฆ๐˜ฏ ๐˜ฃ๐˜บ ๐˜ต๐˜ช๐˜ฎ๐˜ฆ.

๐˜๐˜ง ๐˜ฉ๐˜ช๐˜ด๐˜ต๐˜ฐ๐˜ณ๐˜บ ๐˜ช๐˜ด ๐˜ณ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฑ๐˜ฆ๐˜ข๐˜ต๐˜ช๐˜ฏ๐˜จ ๐˜ช๐˜ต๐˜ด๐˜ฆ๐˜ญ๐˜ง,

๐˜ต๐˜ฉ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฏ ๐˜ญ๐˜ฆ๐˜ต ๐˜ช๐˜ต ๐˜ง๐˜ช๐˜ฏ๐˜ฅ ๐˜ถ๐˜ด ๐˜ณ๐˜ฆ๐˜ข๐˜ฅ๐˜บ.

๐˜™๐˜ฆ๐˜ข๐˜ฅ๐˜บ ๐˜ต๐˜ฐ ๐˜ด๐˜ต๐˜ข๐˜ฏ๐˜ฅ.๐˜™๐˜ฆ๐˜ข๐˜ฅ๐˜บ ๐˜ต๐˜ฐ ๐˜ด๐˜ฑ๐˜ฆ๐˜ข๐˜ฌ.

๐˜™๐˜ฆ๐˜ข๐˜ฅ๐˜บ ๐˜ต๐˜ฐ ๐˜ข๐˜ค๐˜ตโ€”๐˜ธ๐˜ช๐˜ต๐˜ฉ ๐˜ค๐˜ญ๐˜ข๐˜ณ๐˜ช๐˜ต๐˜บ, ๐˜ธ๐˜ช๐˜ต๐˜ฉ ๐˜ถ๐˜ฏ๐˜ช๐˜ต๐˜บ, ๐˜ธ๐˜ช๐˜ต๐˜ฉ ๐˜ณ๐˜ฆ๐˜ด๐˜ฐ๐˜ญ๐˜ท๐˜ฆ.

๐˜›๐˜ฉ๐˜ช๐˜ด ๐˜ช๐˜ด ๐˜ฐ๐˜ถ๐˜ณ ๐˜ค๐˜ฐ๐˜ถ๐˜ฏ๐˜ต๐˜ณ๐˜บ.๐˜›๐˜ฉ๐˜ช๐˜ด ๐˜ช๐˜ด ๐˜ฐ๐˜ถ๐˜ณ ๐˜ฎ๐˜ฐ๐˜ฎ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฏ๐˜ต.

๐˜ˆ๐˜ฏ๐˜ฅ ๐˜ต๐˜ฐ๐˜จ๐˜ฆ๐˜ต๐˜ฉ๐˜ฆ๐˜ณโ€”๐˜ธ๐˜ฆ ๐˜ณ๐˜ช๐˜ด๐˜ฆ ๐˜ข๐˜จ๐˜ข๐˜ช๐˜ฏ.

๐™๐™๐™š 592 ๐™‚๐™ช๐™–๐™ง๐™™๐™ž๐™–๐™ฃ-๐™๐™ง๐™ช๐™ฉ๐™ , ๐˜ผ๐™˜๐™˜๐™ค๐™ช๐™ฃ๐™ฉ๐™–๐™—๐™ž๐™ก๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™ฎ,๐™„๐™ฃ๐™ฉ๐™š๐™œ๐™ง๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™ฎ ๐™„๐™ฃ๐™‚๐™ช๐™ฎ๐™–๐™ฃ๐™– ๐˜ผ๐™ฃ๐™™ ๐˜พ๐™–๐™ง๐™ž๐™—๐™—๐™š๐™–๐™ฃ ๐™‹๐™š๐™ง๐™จ๐™ฅ๐™š๐™˜๐™ฉ๐™ž๐™ซ๐™š๐™จ.โ€” โœฆโ€”

โ€œA Chilling Precedent: the US targets Media Executives in Costa Rica.โ€

The United States has taken the extraordinary step of revoking tourist visas for five board members of La Naciรณn, Costa Ricaโ€™s most influential newspaperโ€”an action critics warn could send a dangerous signal to independent media across the region.

Pedro Abreu, CEO and chairman of Grupo Naciรณn, the parent company of La Naciรณn, said he first learned of the revocations not through official diplomatic channels, but through media reports circulating online. โ€œI checked my emailโ€ฆ I had no official communication,โ€ Abreu revealed. โ€œI searched on a U.S. government website, entered my visa information, and saw it had been revoked.โ€

Even more troubling, local outlets reportedly published detailed personal dataโ€”including names, dates of birth, and visa expiration datesโ€”raising serious questions about privacy breaches and the handling of sensitive information.

Whether these latest revocations are linked to Costa Ricaโ€™s recent agreement to accept up to 25 deportees per week remains unclear. The U.S. State Department has offered no explanation.

For journalists and media institutions across the Caribbean and Latin America, the message is unsettling. When executives of a leading newspaper can be penalized without due process or transparency, it raises legitimate fears about the erosion of press freedom and the potential use of state power to intimidate independent voices.

This is no longer just a Costa Rican issue. It is a regional warning

BY: Hem Kumar                                ๐™๐™๐™š 592 ๐™‚๐™ช๐™–๐™ง๐™™๐™ž๐™–๐™ฃ

Inspector of Police identified as chief โ€œ speedster โ€œ with 61 tickets-Traffic Chief

May 06 2026

The Governmentโ€™s much-touted โ€œsafe road initiative,โ€ launched in April 2025, is now being framed as a success storyโ€”backed by over 51,000 e-tickets, more than $205 million in fines, and over 2,000 speeding prosecutions. But beneath the statistics lies a troubling reality that raises questions about enforcement culture, accountability, and whether this system is correcting behaviour or merely monetising it.

Traffic Chief Assistant Commissioner Mahendra Singhโ€™s own disclosures reveal a startling contradiction within the law enforcement apparatus. ๐˜›๐˜ฉ๐˜ฆ ๐˜ด๐˜ฐ-๐˜ค๐˜ข๐˜ญ๐˜ญ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฅ โ€œ๐˜ค๐˜ฉ๐˜ช๐˜ฆ๐˜ง ๐˜ด๐˜ฑ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฅ๐˜ด๐˜ต๐˜ฆ๐˜ณโ€ ๐˜ช๐˜ด ๐˜ฏ๐˜ฐ๐˜ต ๐˜ข๐˜ฏ ๐˜ฐ๐˜ณ๐˜ฅ๐˜ช๐˜ฏ๐˜ข๐˜ณ๐˜บ ๐˜ค๐˜ช๐˜ต๐˜ช๐˜ป๐˜ฆ๐˜ฏ, ๐˜ฃ๐˜ถ๐˜ต ๐˜ข๐˜ฏ ๐˜๐˜ฏ๐˜ด๐˜ฑ๐˜ฆ๐˜ค๐˜ต๐˜ฐ๐˜ณ ๐˜ฐ๐˜ง ๐˜—๐˜ฐ๐˜ญ๐˜ช๐˜ค๐˜ฆโ€”๐˜ค๐˜ญ๐˜ฐ๐˜ค๐˜ฌ๐˜ช๐˜ฏ๐˜จ ๐˜ข๐˜ฏ ๐˜ข๐˜ด๐˜ต๐˜ฐ๐˜ฏ๐˜ช๐˜ด๐˜ฉ๐˜ช๐˜ฏ๐˜จ 61 ๐˜ด๐˜ฑ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฅ๐˜ช๐˜ฏ๐˜จ ๐˜ต๐˜ช๐˜ค๐˜ฌ๐˜ฆ๐˜ต๐˜ด. ๐˜Œ๐˜ท๐˜ฆ๐˜ฏ ๐˜ฎ๐˜ฐ๐˜ณ๐˜ฆ ๐˜ข๐˜ญ๐˜ข๐˜ณ๐˜ฎ๐˜ช๐˜ฏ๐˜จ ๐˜ช๐˜ด ๐˜ต๐˜ฉ๐˜ฆ ๐˜ค๐˜ข๐˜ด๐˜ฆ ๐˜ฐ๐˜ง ๐˜ข ๐˜ฅ๐˜ณ๐˜ช๐˜ท๐˜ฆ๐˜ณ ๐˜ง๐˜ญ๐˜ข๐˜จ๐˜จ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฅ 13 ๐˜ต๐˜ช๐˜ฎ๐˜ฆ๐˜ด ๐˜ง๐˜ฐ๐˜ณ ๐˜ฅ๐˜ข๐˜ฏ๐˜จ๐˜ฆ๐˜ณ๐˜ฐ๐˜ถ๐˜ด ๐˜ฅ๐˜ณ๐˜ช๐˜ท๐˜ช๐˜ฏ๐˜จ, ๐˜ข๐˜ญ๐˜ณ๐˜ฆ๐˜ข๐˜ฅ๐˜บ ๐˜ฃ๐˜ฆ๐˜ง๐˜ฐ๐˜ณ๐˜ฆ ๐˜ต๐˜ฉ๐˜ฆ ๐˜ค๐˜ฐ๐˜ถ๐˜ณ๐˜ต๐˜ด ๐˜ง๐˜ฐ๐˜ณ ๐˜ฎ๐˜ถ๐˜ญ๐˜ต๐˜ช๐˜ฑ๐˜ญ๐˜ฆ ๐˜ฐ๐˜ง๐˜ง๐˜ฆ๐˜ฏ๐˜ค๐˜ฆ๐˜ด ๐˜ข๐˜ฏ๐˜ฅ ๐˜บ๐˜ฆ๐˜ต ๐˜ด๐˜ฆ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฎ๐˜ช๐˜ฏ๐˜จ๐˜ญ๐˜บ ๐˜ข๐˜ญ๐˜ญ๐˜ฐ๐˜ธ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฅ ๐˜ต๐˜ฐ ๐˜ค๐˜ฐ๐˜ฏ๐˜ต๐˜ช๐˜ฏ๐˜ถ๐˜ฆ ๐˜ฐ๐˜ฑ๐˜ฆ๐˜ณ๐˜ข๐˜ต๐˜ช๐˜ฏ๐˜จ ๐˜ฐ๐˜ฏ ๐˜ฑ๐˜ถ๐˜ฃ๐˜ญ๐˜ช๐˜ค ๐˜ณ๐˜ฐ๐˜ข๐˜ฅ๐˜ด ๐˜ญ๐˜ฐ๐˜ฏ๐˜จ ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฏ๐˜ฐ๐˜ถ๐˜จ๐˜ฉ ๐˜ต๐˜ฐ ๐˜ข๐˜ค๐˜ค๐˜ถ๐˜ฎ๐˜ถ๐˜ญ๐˜ข๐˜ต๐˜ฆ ๐˜ณ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฑ๐˜ฆ๐˜ข๐˜ต ๐˜ท๐˜ช๐˜ฐ๐˜ญ๐˜ข๐˜ต๐˜ช๐˜ฐ๐˜ฏ๐˜ด.

This is not just a failure of individual responsibilityโ€”it signals systemic weakness. If repeat offenders, including members of the disciplined forces, can rack up dozens of violations before meaningful intervention occurs, then the question must be asked: is the system designed to deter dangerous driving, or simply to document and profit from it?

The data itself is sobering. Over 1,200 dangerous driving cases have been recorded, with weekly court proceedings in Georgetown and Sparendaam. While authorities insist โ€œthe system is working,โ€ the persistence of repeat offenders suggests otherwise. Enforcement without timely consequence risks becoming a revolving door, where penalties are absorbed as routine costs rather than meaningful deterrents.

The government has emphasized that the initiative is โ€œtechnologically drivenโ€ and insulated from bias or interference. That may be true in theory. But technology alone cannot compensate for gaps in enforcement policyโ€”particularly when it comes to escalating penalties for habitual offenders or suspending licenses before tragedy strikes.

Yes, there are signs of progress. Authorities point to reductions in serious and fatal accidents along key corridors such as Heroes Highway, the Mandela-to-Eccles link, and sections of the East Coast and Region Three. These gains are important and should not be dismissed. However, they must be weighed against the deeper issue of whether the system is truly changing driver behaviour or merely increasing state revenue.

More than half of all tickets issuedโ€”over 52 percentโ€”have been paid, contributing to a growing pool of fine revenue. But the public deserves clarity: how much of this $205 million is being reinvested into road safety infrastructure, driver education, and enforcement capacity? Without transparency, the initiative risks being perceived less as a safety measure and more as a financial pipeline.

The emergence of police officers among the worst offenders also raises serious concerns about internal accountability. If those entrusted with enforcing the law are themselves habitual violators, public confidence in the system will erode rapidly. Disciplinary action must be swift, visible, and uncompromising.

Ultimately, a โ€œsafe road initiativeโ€ cannot succeed on ticket issuance alone. It requires a balanced frameworkโ€”one that combines technology with decisive enforcement, institutional accountability, and proactive prevention. Otherwise, Guyana risks normalising a dangerous cycle: detect, fine, repeat.

The numbers may look impressive. But until repeat offenders are decisively removed from the roadsโ€”and enforcement is applied without fear or favourโ€”the promise of safer roads will remain only partially fulfilled.

Cuban Pair Charged in Alleged Sex Trafficking Operation Linked to Georgetown Nightclub

Two Cuban nationals have been remanded to prison after appearing before Magistrate Faith McGusty at the Georgetown Magistratesโ€™ Courts, where they denied allegations tied to what authorities suspect is a wider human trafficking network operating out of Prashad Nagar.
Raudel Ramirez Valverde, also known as โ€œPitulin,โ€ a 32-year-old Cuban national, faces two indictable charges under the Combating of Trafficking in Persons Act 2023. Prosecutors allege that between March 1 and April 19, 2026, he recruited a Cuban woman under false pretenses, promising legitimate employment before subjecting her to commercial sexual exploitation.
He is further accused of confiscating the womanโ€™s passport between April 11 and 12 while purporting to act as an employment agentโ€”an act prosecutors say was central to maintaining control over the victim.
According to court disclosures, the victim was lured to Guyana with the promise of work as a store clerk. Instead, upon arrival, her passport was allegedly seized and withheld unless she repaid US$5,400. She was also reportedly forced to pay US$300 monthly rentโ€”approximately GY$60,000โ€”for accommodation at Valverdeโ€™s Prashad Nagar residence.
The prosecution contends that Valverde, along with his co-accused, Yenifer Maria Quevedo, coerced the woman into nightly sex work at the Magic City nightclub.
The situation reportedly escalated when the victim refused to continue. She was subsequently relocated to a property in Melanie, East Coast Demerara, where she allegedly encountered approximately 28 other Cuban nationals engaged in similar activitiesโ€”raising serious concerns about the scale and organization of the operation.
Valverde, who required a translator during proceedings, told the court he resides at Amla Avenue with Quevedo, despite being legally married to a woman in Cuba. He claimed to be unemployed and denied the allegations.
In opposing bail, prosecutors underscored the gravity and prevalence of human trafficking, arguing that Valverde poses a significant flight risk and may interfere with the victim. They also highlighted his lack of verifiable local ties and unclear immigration status.
Magistrate McGusty agreed, citing insufficient assurances regarding his address, legal status, and the risk of witness tampering. Bail was denied, and he was remanded to prison.
Quevedo, a 22-year-old Cuban national, faces a separate charge of trafficking in persons. Prosecutors allege that she knowingly harboured and coerced the victim for the purpose of sexual exploitation, while benefiting financially.
Although she claimed to have relatives in Guyana, the court found her ties to the jurisdiction inadequate. Bail was similarly refused.
Both defendants are scheduled to return to court on May 28.
The case has intensified scrutiny on the presence of foreign-linked trafficking networks in Guyana, particularly those exploiting vulnerable migrants under the guise of legitimate employment. The reported discovery of dozens of foreign nationals in similar conditions points to a potentially coordinated operation that may extend beyond a single residence or nightclub.

๐“๐ก๐ž ๐†๐ฎ๐ฒ๐š๐ง๐ž๐ฌ๐ž ๐๐š๐ซ๐š๐๐จ๐ฑ: ๐–๐ž๐š๐ฅ๐ญ๐ก ๐„๐ฏ ๐ž๐ซ๐ฒ๐ฐ๐ก๐ž๐ซ๐ž, ๐๐ซ๐จ๐ฌ๐ฉ๐ž๐ซ๐ข๐ญ๐ฒ ๐„๐ฅ๐ฌ๐ž๐ฐ๐ก๐ž๐ซ๐ž

(Pending)( Editorial)

May 05 2026

BY: Hem Kumar

๐™๐™๐™š 592 ๐™‚๐™ช๐™–๐™ง๐™™๐™ž๐™–๐™ฃ

๐™„๐™ฃ ๐™– ๐™˜๐™ค๐™ช๐™ฃ๐™ฉ๐™ง๐™ฎ ๐™—๐™ก๐™š๐™จ๐™จ๐™š๐™™ ๐™ฌ๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™ ๐™ค๐™ž๐™ก, ๐™œ๐™ค๐™ก๐™™, ๐™—๐™–๐™ช๐™ญ๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™š, ๐™–๐™ฃ๐™™ ๐™ค๐™ฉ๐™๐™š๐™ง ๐™ข๐™ž๐™ฃ๐™š๐™ง๐™–๐™ก ๐™ง๐™ž๐™˜๐™๐™š๐™จ, ๐™ฉ๐™๐™š ๐™ฅ๐™ง๐™ค๐™ข๐™ž๐™จ๐™š ๐™ค๐™› ๐™ฅ๐™ง๐™ค๐™จ๐™ฅ๐™š๐™ง๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™ฎ ๐™ง๐™š๐™ข๐™–๐™ž๐™ฃ๐™จ ๐™จ๐™ฉ๐™ช๐™—๐™—๐™ค๐™ง๐™ฃ๐™ก๐™ฎ ๐™ค๐™ช๐™ฉ ๐™ค๐™› ๐™ง๐™š๐™–๐™˜๐™ ๐™›๐™ค๐™ง ๐™ข๐™–๐™ฃ๐™ฎ ๐™˜๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™ž๐™ฏ๐™š๐™ฃ๐™จ. ๐™๐™๐™š ๐™ง๐™š๐™จ๐™ค๐™ช๐™ง๐™˜๐™š๐™จ ๐™–๐™ง๐™š ๐™ง๐™š๐™–๐™ก, ๐™ฉ๐™๐™š ๐™ง๐™š๐™ซ๐™š๐™ฃ๐™ช๐™š๐™จ ๐™–๐™ง๐™š ๐™œ๐™ง๐™ค๐™ฌ๐™ž๐™ฃ๐™œ, ๐™—๐™ช๐™ฉ ๐™ฉ๐™๐™š ๐™š๐™ซ๐™š๐™ง๐™ฎ๐™™๐™–๐™ฎ ๐™ง๐™š๐™–๐™ก๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™ฎ ๐™ž๐™จ ๐™ค๐™ฃ๐™š ๐™ค๐™› ๐™ž๐™ฃ๐™š๐™ฆ๐™ช๐™–๐™ก๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™ฎ, ๐™ฌ๐™š๐™–๐™  ๐™ž๐™ฃ๐™›๐™ง๐™–๐™จ๐™ฉ๐™ง๐™ช๐™˜๐™ฉ๐™ช๐™ง๐™š, ๐™–๐™ฃ๐™™ ๐™ช๐™ฃ๐™›๐™ž๐™ฃ๐™ž๐™จ๐™๐™š๐™™ ๐™™๐™š๐™ซ๐™š๐™ก๐™ค๐™ฅ๐™ข๐™š๐™ฃ๐™ฉ.

๐™๐™๐™ž๐™จ ๐™ž๐™จ ๐™ฃ๐™ค๐™ฉ ๐™– ๐™จ๐™ฉ๐™ค๐™ง๐™ฎ ๐™ค๐™› ๐™จ๐™˜๐™–๐™ง๐™˜๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™ฎ. ๐™„๐™ฉ ๐™ž๐™จ ๐™– ๐™จ๐™ฉ๐™ค๐™ง๐™ฎ ๐™ค๐™› ๐™ข๐™ž๐™จ๐™–๐™ก๐™ž๐™œ๐™ฃ๐™ข๐™š๐™ฃ๐™ฉ โ€” ๐™—๐™š๐™ฉ๐™ฌ๐™š๐™š๐™ฃ ๐™ฃ๐™–๐™ฉ๐™ž๐™ค๐™ฃ๐™–๐™ก ๐™ฌ๐™š๐™–๐™ก๐™ฉ๐™ ๐™–๐™ฃ๐™™ ๐™ฃ๐™–๐™ฉ๐™ž๐™ค๐™ฃ๐™–๐™ก ๐™ฌ๐™š๐™ก๐™›๐™–๐™ง๐™š, ๐™—๐™š๐™ฉ๐™ฌ๐™š๐™š๐™ฃ ๐™š๐™ญ๐™ฉ๐™ง๐™–๐™˜๐™ฉ๐™ž๐™ค๐™ฃ ๐™–๐™ฃ๐™™ ๐™ž๐™ฃ๐™˜๐™ก๐™ช๐™จ๐™ž๐™ค๐™ฃ, ๐™—๐™š๐™ฉ๐™ฌ๐™š๐™š๐™ฃ ๐™ฌ๐™๐™–๐™ฉ ๐™ฉ๐™๐™š ๐™˜๐™ค๐™ช๐™ฃ๐™ฉ๐™ง๐™ฎ ๐™ค๐™ฌ๐™ฃ๐™จ ๐™–๐™ฃ๐™™ ๐™ฌ๐™๐™–๐™ฉ ๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™จ ๐™ฅ๐™š๐™ค๐™ฅ๐™ก๐™š ๐™ง๐™š๐™˜๐™š๐™ž๐™ซ๐™š.

Guyana is not a poor country. It is a rich country that has not yet learned, or perhaps not yet been allowed, to convert its abundance into broad national dignity. That is the central tension of the Guyanese condition: a land of extraordinary mineral potential, now amplified by offshore oil, but still marked by unequal development, fragile infrastructure, and a persistent sense that the wealth of the nation is being written into contracts faster than it is being written into peopleโ€™s lives.

The scale is staggering. Guyana sits on the Guiana Shield, one of the oldest and most mineral-rich geological formations in the world, and its interior regions carry a wide suite of mineral resources: gold, diamonds, bauxite, manganese, copper, iron ore, nickel, molybdenite, kaolin, silica sand, graphite, rare earth elements, columbite-tantalite, uranium, and semi-precious stones. Add offshore petroleum to that list, with official estimates holding Guyanaโ€™s oil reserves at about 11 billion barrels, and you begin to understand why this small state has become a global resource frontier almost overnight.

๐—” ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐˜‚๐—ป๐˜๐—ฟ๐˜† ๐—ฏ๐˜‚๐—ถ๐—น๐˜ ๐—ผ๐—ป ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ฒ๐—ฝ ๐˜๐—ถ๐—บ๐—ฒ

The first thing to understand is that Guyanaโ€™s wealth is not accidental. It is geological, ancient, and immense. The Guiana Shield underpins much of the countryโ€™s interior, and that shield is part of the Amazonian Craton, a terrain known for mineralization across vast spans of time. In Guyana, that means the hinterland is not simply โ€œremoteโ€ or โ€œhard to reachโ€; it is the countryโ€™s mineral engine room, where gold and diamonds have long been the most visible symbols of value but not the only ones.

The GGMCโ€™s mineral data and mapping work show just how much of this wealth is still being refined into usable national knowledge. The commissionโ€™s mineral mapping project covers major geophysical surveys and updated datasets to improve understanding of the geology and mineral occurrence patterns across large areas of the country. That matters because a nation cannot govern what it does not know, and Guyana is still actively turning subsurface potential into mapped, measurable, and exploitable information.

This is not merely a technical exercise. It is a statement of national reality: Guyana is not exhausted; it is underexplored. It is not barren; it is underdeveloped in the presence of abundance.

๐—ง๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—ถ๐—ป๐˜๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ฟ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฎ๐˜ ๐—ณ๐—ฒ๐—ฒ๐—ฑ๐˜€ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐—ฎ๐˜€๐˜

For decades, Guyanaโ€™s hinterland has supplied the countryโ€™s mineral economy while remaining physically and politically distant from the benefits that economy can generate. Gold mining, in particular, has been central to the countryโ€™s extractive life, and diamond production has also been a significant part of the mineral story. Yet the communities closest to the mines are often the ones least likely to experience the dividends of extraction in the form of durable roads, reliable health care, modern schools, and strong public services.

That is the first contradiction readers must confront: the interior produces wealth, but the interior often remains under-served. The logic of extraction has historically moved outward, not inward โ€” resources leave the hinterland, while too little capital, infrastructure, or institutional presence returns. In practical terms, that means a miner may pull value from deep in the forest, while a village nearby still waits for basic services that should have come long ago.

Guyanaโ€™s mineral map should therefore be read not just as a map of resources, but as a map of priorities. It tells us where the countryโ€™s wealth is located. It also quietly tells us where national investment has not yet fully followed.

๐—ง๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—ต๐—ถ๐—ฑ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ป ๐—ฏ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐—ฎ๐—ฑ๐˜๐—ต ๐—ผ๐—ณ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐˜€๐—ผ๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐—ฐ๐—ฒ ๐—ฏ๐—ฎ๐˜€๐—ฒ

It is easy to focus on gold because gold has long dominated public imagination, but that focus understates the breadth of the national mineral estate. GGMCโ€™s materials on the minerals of Guyana point to a range of other commercially relevant deposits, including manganese occurrences at Matthews Ridge and Pipiani, nickel in the Kauremembu Blue Mountains, and additional mineralization linked to Guyanaโ€™s greenstone belts. These are not speculative footnotes. They are reminders that Guyanaโ€™s mineral identity is diversified, even if the country has not fully diversified the way it exploits that identity.

There is also strategic value in some of these lesser-discussed minerals. Iron ore, rare earths, uranium, and columbite-tantalite are not just geological curiosities; they are materials that sit at the heart of modern industry, energy systems, and advanced technologies. A country that possesses such a basket of resources should be thinking beyond simple extraction and toward long-term value creation, local processing, industrial policy, and sovereign bargaining power.

But that requires seriousness. It requires institutions that do not merely catalog wealth, but defend national interests around it. It requires a political culture that recognizes that what lies beneath Guyana is not private treasure to be casually negotiated away, but collective inheritance to be managed with discipline and transparency.

๐—ข๐—ถ๐—น ๐—ฐ๐—ต๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ด๐—ฒ๐—ฑ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐˜€๐˜๐—ฎ๐—ธ๐—ฒ๐˜€

Then came oil, and with it a new kind of temptation. Guyanaโ€™s current reserves remain at about 11 billion barrels, according to official government communications, and the reserves debate has itself become part of the politics of transparency. Production has already reached a scale that has transformed the countryโ€™s international profile, and the implications are enormous.

Oil can lift a nation, but it can also flatten its imagination. When revenue starts to rise, governments often begin to confuse fiscal inflow with social transformation. But citizens do not live in revenue statements. They live in hospitals, schools, roads, electricity supply, drainage systems, job markets, food prices, and the quality of public administration. A country can be rich on paper and still feel poor in the places that matter most.

That is why Guyanaโ€™s oil story cannot be told as a triumphalist story alone. It has to be told as a governance test. Are the proceeds being used to strengthen the countryโ€™s productive base? Are the institutions being built to outlast the current boom? Are the communities nearest to extraction seeing tangible improvements? Are the contracts, figures, and fiscal decisions being explained to citizens in language they can understand? Those are the real measures of success.

๐—ง๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—บ๐—ฎ๐—ฝ ๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐—ป๐—ผ๐˜ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—บ๐—ฒ๐˜€๐˜€๐—ฎ๐—ด๐—ฒ

The attached geological map is powerful because it reveals the country in another register. It shows a nation that is not small in possibility, only small in population. It reminds us that Guyanaโ€™s landmass contains layers of deep geological history and mineral diversity that far exceed the scale of daily politics. But the map also carries an uncomfortable implication: nature has done its part. The failure, if there is one, lies in governance.

That is where the editorial burden now falls. Guyana cannot continue to act as if resource wealth is a distant promise while ordinary people confront immediate hardship. Nor can it permit the national conversation to remain so narrowly focused on extraction that the larger questions of ownership, fairness, environmental stewardship, and intergenerational justice are pushed aside. The point is not simply to dig, drill, and export. The point is to build a country that can convert geological advantage into social progress.

This should be obvious, but in resource-rich societies it often is not. Wealth can become a distraction. It can create grand language and thin delivery. It can produce a politics of announcement rather than a politics of results. And it can leave citizens with the humiliating sensation that they are spectators in a national estate that should have belonged to them in the first place.

๐—ง๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—ฝ๐˜‚๐—ฏ๐—น๐—ถ๐—ฐ ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐˜€๐˜ ๐—ผ๐—ณ ๐—ฎ๐—ฏ๐˜‚๐—ป๐—ฑ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฐ๐—ฒ

There is a psychological cost to living in a rich country that does not feel rich. It erodes trust. It deepens cynicism. It teaches people to expect disappointment from institutions that are supposed to serve them. And it makes every new revelation of mineral or petroleum abundance sound less like good news and more like evidence of what has been withheld.

That is why the Guyanese public must resist the idea that resource wealth is automatically destiny. It is not. Resource wealth is only potential. The actual outcome depends on the quality of institutions, the integrity of contracts, the transparency of decision-making, the seriousness of long-term planning, and the willingness of leaders to put the national interest ahead of short-term applause. Without those things, abundance simply becomes another form of deprivation.

Guyana has reached a point where the old excuse โ€” that it is too small, too poor, too peripheral to matter โ€” no longer holds. This country matters. Its resources matter. Its contracts matter. Its people matter. And because all of those things matter, the standards applied to them must rise accordingly.

๐—ง๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—ฐ๐—น๐—ผ๐˜€๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐—ฐ๐—ธ๐—ผ๐—ป๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด

The cruelest thing about Guyanaโ€™s wealth is not that it exists. It is that it is so vast, so varied, and so promising, while too many citizens still live as though that wealth belongs to someone else. That is the paradox. That is the injury. And that is the challenge before the nation now.

Guyana is not waiting to be discovered. It has already been discovered by geology, by oil, by investors, and by history. What remains to be discovered is whether its leaders will govern the nation as a common inheritance or continue to negotiate it away piece by piece.

For a country sitting on so much, the question is no longer whether Guyana is rich. The question is whether Guyana has the courage to stop acting poor in the face of its own abundance.

End

Guyana is not being Conquered again, It’s being Negotiated Away

๐—ง๐—ต๐—ฒ๐˜† ๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ ๐—ป๐—ผ๐˜ ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐—บ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด ๐˜„๐—ถ๐˜๐—ต ๐—ด๐˜‚๐—ป๐˜€ ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐˜†๐—บ๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ.
๐—ง๐—ต๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ ๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ ๐—ป๐—ผ ๐˜€๐—ต๐—ถ๐—ฝ๐˜€ ๐—ผ๐—ป ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—ต๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐˜‡๐—ผ๐—ป. ๐—ก๐—ผ ๐—ณ๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐—ถ๐—ด๐—ป ๐—ณ๐—น๐—ฎ๐—ด๐˜€ ๐—ณ๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—ฐ๐—ฒ๐—ฑ ๐—ถ๐—ป๐˜๐—ผ ๐—ผ๐˜‚๐—ฟ ๐˜€๐—ผ๐—ถ๐—น.
๐—ง๐—ต๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐˜๐—ถ๐—บ๐—ฒ, ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐—น๐—ผ๐—ป๐—ถ๐˜‡๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป ๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ๐˜€ ๐—ถ๐—ป ๐˜๐—ฎ๐—ถ๐—น๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐—ฑ ๐˜€๐˜‚๐—ถ๐˜๐˜€. ๐—œ๐˜ ๐˜€๐—ฝ๐—ฒ๐—ฎ๐—ธ๐˜€ ๐—ณ๐—น๐˜‚๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜๐—น๐˜†โ€”๐—ผ๐—ณ ๐—ถ๐—ป๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ๐˜€๐˜๐—บ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜, ๐—ฝ๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐˜๐—ป๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐˜€๐—ต๐—ถ๐—ฝ, ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ๐—น๐—ผ๐—ฝ๐—บ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜. ๐—œ๐˜ ๐˜€๐—ถ๐—ด๐—ป๐˜€ ๐—ฎ๐—ด๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐—ฒ๐—บ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜๐˜€ ๐—ถ๐—ป๐˜€๐˜๐—ฒ๐—ฎ๐—ฑ ๐—ผ๐—ณ ๐—ถ๐˜€๐˜€๐˜‚๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ฐ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐—ฒ๐˜€. ๐—œ๐˜ ๐˜€๐—บ๐—ถ๐—น๐—ฒ๐˜€ ๐—ณ๐—ผ๐—ฟ ๐—ฐ๐—ฎ๐—บ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ฎ๐˜€ ๐˜„๐—ต๐—ถ๐—น๐—ฒ ๐˜€๐—ฒ๐—ฐ๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐—ป๐—ฐ๐—ฒ๐˜€๐˜€๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป๐˜€.
And beneath that polished language, Guyana bleeds quietly.
Oil flows by the millions of barrels. Gold leaves by the ton. Bauxite, manganese, and strategic minerals are carved out with industrial precision. Yet for too many Guyanese, daily life remains a negotiation with poverty, rising costs, and neglect.
๐—š๐—น๐—ถ๐˜๐˜๐—ฒ๐—ฟ ๐—ณ๐—ผ๐—ฟ ๐—ฎ ๐—ณ๐—ฒ๐˜„. ๐—š๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ฑ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด ๐—ต๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐—ฑ๐˜€๐—ต๐—ถ๐—ฝ ๐—ณ๐—ผ๐—ฟ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—บ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐˜†.
๐—ง๐—ต๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐—ป๐—ผ๐˜ ๐—ฎ๐—ฐ๐—ฐ๐—ถ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜๐—ฎ๐—น. ๐—œ๐˜ ๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐˜€๐˜๐—ฟ๐˜‚๐—ฐ๐˜๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐—ฎ๐—น.
๐—Ÿ๐—ผ๐—ผ๐—ธ ๐—ฐ๐—น๐—ผ๐˜€๐—ฒ๐—ฟ.
Land is leased for generationsโ€”99 years at a timeโ€”effectively beyond the reach of those yet unborn. Resources are extracted with minimal value added locally. Wealth exits faster than systems can absorb it. Debt accumulates in the name of development, yet transformation remains uneven, delayed, or diluted.
And as the stakes rise, something else has been quietly hollowed out:
Democracy itself.
Since the return of the Ali administration, Parliamentโ€”once the central arena of accountabilityโ€”has been reduced to near-irrelevance. It has convened only a mere three times,(historic) with sessions largely ceremonial or confined to budget approval.
There are no robust sectoral committees actively scrutinizing policy. Auditor General reports for recent years remain outstanding or unexamined in the public domain. Oversight mechanisms that should function as guardrails have instead faded into silence.
๐—œ๐—ป ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ๐—ถ๐—ฟ ๐—ฝ๐—น๐—ฎ๐—ฐ๐—ฒ, ๐—ด๐—ผ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ป๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฐ๐—ฒ ๐—ต๐—ฎ๐˜€ ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ฐ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐—ฎ๐˜€๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด๐—น๐˜† ๐˜๐—ฎ๐—ธ๐—ฒ๐—ป ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐˜€๐—ต๐—ฎ๐—ฝ๐—ฒ ๐—ผ๐—ณ ๐—ฒ๐˜…๐—ฒ๐—ฐ๐˜‚๐˜๐—ถ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ ๐—ฑ๐—ผ๐—บ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฐ๐—ฒโ€”๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ฐ๐—ถ๐˜€๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป๐˜€ ๐—ณ๐—น๐—ผ๐˜„๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด ๐—ณ๐—ฟ๐—ผ๐—บ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—ฐ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜๐—ฒ๐—ฟ, ๐˜„๐—ถ๐˜๐—ต ๐—น๐—ถ๐—บ๐—ถ๐˜๐—ฒ๐—ฑ ๐—ถ๐—ป๐˜€๐˜๐—ถ๐˜๐˜‚๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป๐—ฎ๐—น ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐˜€๐—ถ๐˜€๐˜๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฐ๐—ฒ ๐—ผ๐—ฟ ๐˜๐—ฟ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐˜€๐—ฝ๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜ ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ฏ๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ฒ.
๐—ง๐—ต๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐—ต๐—ผ๐˜„ ๐˜ƒ๐˜‚๐—น๐—ป๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ฎ๐—ฏ๐—ถ๐—น๐—ถ๐˜๐˜† ๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐—บ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐˜‚๐—ณ๐—ฎ๐—ฐ๐˜๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐—ฑ.
Not only through foreign pressureโ€”but through domestic weakening of checks and balances.
Because when scrutiny disappears, so does leverage.
And without leverage, negotiation becomes concession.
๐—ง๐—ต๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐—ป๐—ผ๐˜ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐—น๐—ผ๐—ป๐—ถ๐—ฎ๐—น๐—ถ๐˜€๐—บ ๐—ผ๐—ณ ๐—ฐ๐—ต๐—ฎ๐—ถ๐—ป๐˜€ ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐—ป๐—พ๐˜‚๐—ฒ๐˜€๐˜.
๐—ง๐—ต๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐—ฒ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐—ป๐—ผ๐—บ๐—ถ๐—ฐ ๐—ฐ๐—ฎ๐—ฝ๐˜๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐—ฒ.
๐—ง๐—ต๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐—ฝ๐—ผ๐—น๐—ถ๐—ฐ๐˜† ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ฝ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐—ฐ๐˜†.
๐—ง๐—ต๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐˜€๐˜๐—ฟ๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ฒ๐—ด๐—ถ๐—ฐ ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ณ๐—น๐˜‚๐—ฒ๐—ป๐—ฐ๐—ฒ ๐˜„๐—ถ๐˜๐—ต๐—ผ๐˜‚๐˜ ๐˜€๐—ผ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐—ถ๐—ด๐—ป ๐—ฎ๐—ฐ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐˜‚๐—ป๐˜๐—ฎ๐—ฏ๐—ถ๐—น๐—ถ๐˜๐˜†.
๐—”๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐—ถ๐˜ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ๐˜€ ๐—ป๐—ผ๐˜ ๐—ผ๐—ป๐—น๐˜† ๐—ฏ๐—ฒ๐—ฐ๐—ฎ๐˜‚๐˜€๐—ฒ ๐—ผ๐—ณ ๐—ณ๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐—ถ๐—ด๐—ป ๐—ฎ๐—บ๐—ฏ๐—ถ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ปโ€”๐—ฏ๐˜‚๐˜ ๐—ฏ๐—ฒ๐—ฐ๐—ฎ๐˜‚๐˜€๐—ฒ ๐—ผ๐—ณ ๐—ฑ๐—ผ๐—บ๐—ฒ๐˜€๐˜๐—ถ๐—ฐ ๐—ณ๐—ฎ๐—ถ๐—น๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐—ฒ.
Too many leaders have become intermediaries instead of defenders. Too many negotiations lack transparency. Too many agreements are celebrated before they are scrutinized.
The result is a nation rich in resources but strained in reality.
๐—š๐˜‚๐˜†๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฎ ๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐˜๐—ผ๐—ผ ๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—ฐ๐—ต ๐˜๐—ผ ๐—ฏ๐—ฒ ๐—ฝ๐—ผ๐—ผ๐—ฟ.
๐—ง๐—ผ๐—ผ ๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—ฐ๐—ต ๐—ณ๐—ผ๐—ฟ ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐—บ๐—บ๐˜‚๐—ป๐—ถ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ฒ๐˜€ ๐˜๐—ผ ๐—ณ๐—ฒ๐—ฒ๐—น ๐—ฎ๐—ฏ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฑ๐—ผ๐—ป๐—ฒ๐—ฑ.
๐—ง๐—ผ๐—ผ ๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—ฐ๐—ต ๐—ณ๐—ผ๐—ฟ ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ฒ๐—พ๐˜‚๐—ฎ๐—น๐—ถ๐˜๐˜† ๐˜๐—ผ ๐˜„๐—ถ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ป ๐—ฎ๐˜ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐—ฝ๐—ฎ๐—ฐ๐—ฒ.
๐—ง๐—ผ๐—ผ ๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—ฐ๐—ต ๐—ณ๐—ผ๐—ฟ ๐—ฐ๐—ถ๐˜๐—ถ๐˜‡๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜€ ๐˜๐—ผ ๐—พ๐˜‚๐—ฒ๐˜€๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป ๐˜„๐—ต๐—ฒ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ๐—ฟ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ๐˜† ๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ ๐—ฏ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐—ฒ๐—ณ๐—ถ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด ๐—ณ๐—ฟ๐—ผ๐—บ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ๐—ถ๐—ฟ ๐—ผ๐˜„๐—ป ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ต๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐˜๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฐ๐—ฒ.
๐—ฆ๐—ผ ๐˜„๐—ต๐˜† ๐—ฑ๐—ผ๐—ฒ๐˜€ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐˜„๐—ฒ๐—ฎ๐—น๐˜๐—ต ๐—ธ๐—ฒ๐—ฒ๐—ฝ ๐—น๐—ฒ๐—ฎ๐˜ƒ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด ๐˜„๐—ต๐—ถ๐—น๐—ฒ ๐—ต๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐—ฑ๐˜€๐—ต๐—ถ๐—ฝ ๐˜€๐˜๐—ฎ๐˜†๐˜€ ๐—ฟ๐—ผ๐—ผ๐˜๐—ฒ๐—ฑ?
๐—•๐—ฒ๐—ฐ๐—ฎ๐˜‚๐˜€๐—ฒ ๐—ฝ๐—ผ๐˜„๐—ฒ๐—ฟ ๐—ต๐—ฎ๐˜€ ๐˜€๐—ต๐—ถ๐—ณ๐˜๐—ฒ๐—ฑ.
๐—ก๐—ผ๐˜ ๐—ณ๐—ฟ๐—ผ๐—บ ๐—š๐˜‚๐˜†๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฎ ๐˜๐—ผ ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ผ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ๐—ฟ ๐—ณ๐—น๐—ฎ๐—ดโ€”๐—ฏ๐˜‚๐˜ ๐—ณ๐—ฟ๐—ผ๐—บ ๐—ฝ๐˜‚๐—ฏ๐—น๐—ถ๐—ฐ ๐—ผ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐˜€๐—ถ๐—ด๐—ต๐˜ ๐˜๐—ผ ๐—ฝ๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐˜ƒ๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ฒ ๐—ป๐—ฒ๐—ด๐—ผ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป.
๐—™๐—ฟ๐—ผ๐—บ ๐—ถ๐—ป๐˜€๐˜๐—ถ๐˜๐˜‚๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป๐—ฎ๐—น ๐—ฎ๐—ฐ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐˜‚๐—ป๐˜๐—ฎ๐—ฏ๐—ถ๐—น๐—ถ๐˜๐˜† ๐˜๐—ผ ๐—ฒ๐˜…๐—ฒ๐—ฐ๐˜‚๐˜๐—ถ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐—ป๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐—ถ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐—ฐ๐—ฒ.
๐—™๐—ฟ๐—ผ๐—บ ๐—ป๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป๐—ฎ๐—น ๐˜€๐˜๐—ฟ๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ฒ๐—ด๐˜† ๐˜๐—ผ ๐—ณ๐—ฟ๐—ฎ๐—ด๐—บ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜๐—ฒ๐—ฑ, ๐—ผ๐—ฝ๐—ฎ๐—พ๐˜‚๐—ฒ ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ฐ๐—ถ๐˜€๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป-๐—บ๐—ฎ๐—ธ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด.
๐—”๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐—ถ๐—ป ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฎ๐˜ ๐˜€๐—ต๐—ถ๐—ณ๐˜, ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—ฑ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐˜† ๐—š๐˜‚๐˜†๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฒ๐˜€๐—ฒ ๐—ฐ๐—ถ๐˜๐—ถ๐˜‡๐—ฒ๐—ป ๐—ต๐—ฎ๐˜€ ๐—ฏ๐—ฒ๐—ฒ๐—ป ๐—ฝ๐˜‚๐˜€๐—ต๐—ฒ๐—ฑ ๐˜๐—ผ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—บ๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐—ด๐—ถ๐—ป๐˜€ ๐—ผ๐—ณ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ๐—ถ๐—ฟ ๐—ผ๐˜„๐—ป ๐˜€๐˜๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐˜†.
This is where the discomfort deepens.
Foreign diplomats and international actors are visible, vocal, and influential in Guyanaโ€™s development space. That, in itself, is not unusual in a globalized world. Partnerships matter. Diplomacy matters.
๐—•๐˜‚๐˜ ๐˜„๐—ต๐—ฒ๐—ป ๐—ฒ๐˜…๐˜๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ป๐—ฎ๐—น ๐˜ƒ๐—ผ๐—ถ๐—ฐ๐—ฒ๐˜€ ๐—ฎ๐—ฝ๐—ฝ๐—ฒ๐—ฎ๐—ฟ ๐—บ๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ ๐—ฎ๐˜€๐˜€๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐˜๐—ถ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ, ๐—บ๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ ๐—ฑ๐—ถ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐—ฐ๐˜๐—ถ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ, ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐—บ๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐—ป๐—ณ๐—ถ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜ ๐—ฎ๐—ฏ๐—ผ๐˜‚๐˜ ๐—š๐˜‚๐˜†๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฎโ€™๐˜€ ๐˜๐—ฟ๐—ฎ๐—ท๐—ฒ๐—ฐ๐˜๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐˜† ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฎ๐—ป ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐˜‚๐—ป๐˜๐—ฟ๐˜†โ€™๐˜€ ๐—ผ๐˜„๐—ป ๐—ถ๐—ป๐˜€๐˜๐—ถ๐˜๐˜‚๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป๐˜€โ€”๐—ฒ๐˜€๐—ฝ๐—ฒ๐—ฐ๐—ถ๐—ฎ๐—น๐—น๐˜† ๐—ถ๐—ป ๐—ฎ ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐—ป๐˜๐—ฒ๐˜…๐˜ ๐˜„๐—ต๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ผ๐˜€๐—ฒ ๐—ถ๐—ป๐˜€๐˜๐—ถ๐˜๐˜‚๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป๐˜€ ๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ ๐˜„๐—ฒ๐—ฎ๐—ธ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐—ฒ๐—ฑโ€”๐—ถ๐˜ ๐—ฟ๐—ฎ๐—ถ๐˜€๐—ฒ๐˜€ ๐—ฎ ๐˜€๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—ผ๐˜‚๐˜€ ๐—พ๐˜‚๐—ฒ๐˜€๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป:
๐—ช๐—ต๐—ผ ๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐˜€๐—ฒ๐˜๐˜๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—ป๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป๐—ฎ๐—น ๐—ฎ๐—ด๐—ฒ๐—ป๐—ฑ๐—ฎ?
๐—”๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐—บ๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ ๐—ถ๐—บ๐—ฝ๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐˜๐—ฎ๐—ป๐˜๐—น๐˜†โ€”๐˜„๐—ต๐—ผ ๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐—ฎ๐—ฐ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐˜‚๐—ป๐˜๐—ฎ๐—ฏ๐—น๐—ฒ ๐˜๐—ผ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—ฝ๐—ฒ๐—ผ๐—ฝ๐—น๐—ฒ ๐—ณ๐—ผ๐—ฟ ๐—ถ๐˜?
Sovereignty is not only about borders. It is about decision-making power. It is about whose interests are prioritized when agreements are signed, when resources are allocated, and when the future is planned.
No ambassador, no foreign office, no external partner should ever appear to speak for Guyana more forcefully than Guyana speaks for itself.
๐—œ๐—ณ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฎ๐˜ ๐—ฝ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ฐ๐—ฒ๐—ฝ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป ๐—ฒ๐˜…๐—ถ๐˜€๐˜๐˜€โ€”๐—ฒ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ๐—ป ๐—ถ๐—ป ๐—ฝ๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐˜โ€”๐—ถ๐˜ ๐˜€๐—ถ๐—ด๐—ป๐—ฎ๐—น๐˜€ ๐—ป๐—ผ๐˜ ๐—ท๐˜‚๐˜€๐˜ ๐—ฒ๐˜…๐˜๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ป๐—ฎ๐—น ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ณ๐—น๐˜‚๐—ฒ๐—ป๐—ฐ๐—ฒ, ๐—ฏ๐˜‚๐˜ ๐—ถ๐—ป๐˜๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ป๐—ฎ๐—น ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ผ๐˜€๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป.
๐—•๐˜‚๐˜ ๐—น๐—ฒ๐˜ ๐˜‚๐˜€ ๐—ฏ๐—ฒ ๐—ฐ๐—น๐—ฒ๐—ฎ๐—ฟ.
๐—š๐˜‚๐˜†๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฎ ๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐—ป๐—ผ๐˜ ๐˜„๐—ฒ๐—ฎ๐—ธ.
Guyana is mismanaged, divided, and increasingly centralized in ways that undermine its own resilience. It is vulnerable not because it lacks strengthโ€”but because its systems of accountability are being sidelined when they are needed most.
The tragedy is not exploitation alone.
It is the quiet dismantling of the structures that could resist it.
Until accountability replaces silence,
until Parliament reclaims its role as a site of real scrutiny,
until transparency replaces closed-door agreements,
until national strategy replaces political expediency,
this cycle will not break.
It will simply evolve.
๐—ง๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—ป๐—ฒ๐˜„ ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐—น๐—ผ๐—ป๐—ถ๐˜‡๐—ฒ๐—ฟ ๐—ฑ๐—ผ๐—ฒ๐˜€ ๐—ป๐—ผ๐˜ ๐—ป๐—ฒ๐—ฒ๐—ฑ ๐˜๐—ผ ๐—ฟ๐˜‚๐—น๐—ฒ ๐˜†๐—ผ๐˜‚.
๐—ง๐—ต๐—ฒ๐˜† ๐—ผ๐—ป๐—น๐˜† ๐—ป๐—ฒ๐—ฒ๐—ฑ ๐˜†๐—ผ๐˜‚ ๐˜๐—ผ ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ฝ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐—ผ๐—ป ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ๐—บ.
๐—”๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ฝ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐—ฐ๐˜†, ๐—ผ๐—ป๐—ฐ๐—ฒ ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐—ฐ๐—ต๐—ฒ๐—ฑ, ๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐—ณ๐—ฎ๐—ฟ ๐—ต๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ ๐˜๐—ผ ๐—ฑ๐—ถ๐˜€๐—บ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐˜๐—น๐—ฒ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฎ๐—ป ๐—ผ๐—ฐ๐—ฐ๐˜‚๐—ฝ๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป.
๐—ฆ๐—ผ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—พ๐˜‚๐—ฒ๐˜€๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป ๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐—ป๐—ผ ๐—น๐—ผ๐—ป๐—ด๐—ฒ๐—ฟ ๐˜„๐—ต๐—ผ ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐—ป๐˜๐—ฟ๐—ผ๐—น๐˜€ ๐—š๐˜‚๐˜†๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฎ.
๐—ง๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—พ๐˜‚๐—ฒ๐˜€๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป ๐—ถ๐˜€: ๐˜„๐—ต๐—ผ ๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐˜๐—ฟ๐˜‚๐—น๐˜† ๐—ป๐—ฒ๐—ด๐—ผ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด ๐—ผ๐—ป ๐—ฏ๐—ฒ๐—ต๐—ฎ๐—น๐—ณ ๐—ผ๐—ณ ๐—š๐˜‚๐˜†๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฎโ€”๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐˜‚๐—ป๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ ๐˜„๐—ต๐—ฎ๐˜ ๐˜€๐—ฐ๐—ฟ๐˜‚๐˜๐—ถ๐—ป๐˜†?
๐—•๐—ฒ๐—ฐ๐—ฎ๐˜‚๐˜€๐—ฒ ๐—ฎ ๐—ป๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป ๐˜๐—ต๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—ฐ๐—ต ๐˜€๐—ต๐—ผ๐˜‚๐—น๐—ฑ ๐—ป๐—ผ๐˜ ๐—ณ๐—ฒ๐—ฒ๐—น ๐˜๐—ต๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐˜€๐˜๐—ฟ๐—ฎ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ฒ๐—ฑ.
๐—”๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐—ฎ ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—บ๐—ผ๐—ฐ๐—ฟ๐—ฎ๐—ฐ๐˜† ๐˜๐—ต๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐—ณ๐—ฟ๐—ฎ๐—ด๐—ถ๐—น๐—ฒ ๐—ฐ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ป๐—ผ๐˜ ๐—ฎ๐—ณ๐—ณ๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—ฑ ๐˜๐—ผ ๐—ฏ๐—ฒ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐—พ๐˜‚๐—ถ๐—ฒ๐˜.
โ€œ๐—ข๐—ป ๐— ๐—ฎ๐˜† ๐Ÿฎ๐Ÿฒ, ๐—š๐˜‚๐˜†๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฎ ๐˜„๐—ถ๐—น๐—น ๐—ฐ๐—ฒ๐—น๐—ฒ๐—ฏ๐—ฟ๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ฒ ๐Ÿฒ๐Ÿฌ ๐˜†๐—ฒ๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐˜€ ๐—ผ๐—ณ ๐—œ๐—ป๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ฝ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐—ฐ๐—ฒ.โ€
๐—ง๐—ต๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ ๐˜„๐—ถ๐—น๐—น ๐—ฏ๐—ฒ ๐—ณ๐—น๐—ฎ๐—ด๐˜€, ๐—ฝ๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐—ฎ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐˜€, ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐˜€๐—ฝ๐—ฒ๐—ฒ๐—ฐ๐—ต๐—ฒ๐˜€ ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ฐ๐—น๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด ๐˜€๐—ผ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐—ถ๐—ด๐—ป๐˜๐˜† ๐—ต๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐—ฑ ๐˜„๐—ผ๐—ป ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐—ฝ๐—ฟ๐—ผ๐˜‚๐—ฑ๐—น๐˜† ๐—ต๐—ฒ๐—น๐—ฑ.
๐—•๐˜‚๐˜ ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ฝ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐—ฐ๐—ฒ ๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐—ป๐—ผ๐˜ ๐—ฝ๐—ฟ๐—ผ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ๐—ป ๐—ฏ๐˜† ๐—ฐ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐—บ๐—ผ๐—ป๐˜†โ€”๐—ถ๐˜ ๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐—ฝ๐—ฟ๐—ผ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ๐—ป ๐—ฏ๐˜† ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐—ป๐˜๐—ฟ๐—ผ๐—น.
๐—–๐—ผ๐—ป๐˜๐—ฟ๐—ผ๐—น ๐—ผ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ฐ๐—ถ๐˜€๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป๐˜€.
๐—–๐—ผ๐—ป๐˜๐—ฟ๐—ผ๐—น ๐—ผ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐˜€๐—ผ๐˜‚๐—ฟ๐—ฐ๐—ฒ๐˜€.
๐—–๐—ผ๐—ป๐˜๐—ฟ๐—ผ๐—น ๐—ผ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐˜€๐˜๐—ถ๐—ป๐˜†.
๐—ฆ๐—ผ ๐—ฎ๐˜€ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—ป๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐—บ๐—บ๐—ฒ๐—บ๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ฒ๐˜€ ๐—ถ๐˜๐˜€ ๐——๐—ถ๐—ฎ๐—บ๐—ผ๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐—๐˜‚๐—ฏ๐—ถ๐—น๐—ฒ๐—ฒ, ๐—ฎ ๐—ต๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ ๐—พ๐˜‚๐—ฒ๐˜€๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—บ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฑ๐˜€ ๐—ฎ๐—ป ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐˜€๐˜„๐—ฒ๐—ฟ:
๐—œ๐—ณ ๐—ฝ๐—ผ๐—น๐—ถ๐—ฐ๐—ถ๐—ฒ๐˜€ ๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ ๐˜€๐—ต๐—ฎ๐—ฝ๐—ฒ๐—ฑ ๐˜„๐—ถ๐˜๐—ต ๐—ฒ๐˜…๐˜๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ป๐—ฎ๐—น ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ณ๐—น๐˜‚๐—ฒ๐—ป๐—ฐ๐—ฒ,
๐—ถ๐—ณ ๐—ถ๐—ป๐˜€๐˜๐—ถ๐˜๐˜‚๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป๐˜€ ๐—ผ๐—ณ ๐—ฎ๐—ฐ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐˜‚๐—ป๐˜๐—ฎ๐—ฏ๐—ถ๐—น๐—ถ๐˜๐˜† ๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ ๐˜„๐—ฒ๐—ฎ๐—ธ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐—ฒ๐—ฑ,
๐—ถ๐—ณ ๐˜„๐—ฒ๐—ฎ๐—น๐˜๐—ต ๐—น๐—ฒ๐—ฎ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ๐˜€ ๐—ณ๐—ฎ๐˜€๐˜๐—ฒ๐—ฟ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฎ๐—ป ๐—ถ๐˜ ๐—ฏ๐˜‚๐—ถ๐—น๐—ฑ๐˜€,
๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ๐—ป ๐˜„๐—ต๐—ฎ๐˜ ๐—ฒ๐˜…๐—ฎ๐—ฐ๐˜๐—น๐˜† ๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ ๐˜„๐—ฒ ๐—ฐ๐—ฒ๐—น๐—ฒ๐—ฏ๐—ฟ๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด?
๐—ฆ๐—ถ๐˜…๐˜๐˜† ๐˜†๐—ฒ๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐˜€ ๐—น๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ฒ๐—ฟ, ๐—š๐˜‚๐˜†๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฎ ๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ฝ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜ ๐—ฏ๐˜† ๐—ต๐—ถ๐˜€๐˜๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐˜†.
๐—•๐˜‚๐˜ ๐—ถ๐˜€ ๐—ถ๐˜ ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ฝ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜ ๐—ถ๐—ป ๐—ฝ๐—ฟ๐—ฎ๐—ฐ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ฐ๐—ฒโ€”๐—ผ๐—ฟ ๐—บ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐—น๐˜† ๐—ฎ๐˜‚๐˜๐—ผ๐—ป๐—ผ๐—บ๐—ผ๐˜‚๐˜€ ๐—ถ๐—ป ๐—ฎ๐—ฝ๐—ฝ๐—ฒ๐—ฎ๐—ฟ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฐ๐—ฒ?
๐™๐™๐™š 592 ๐™‚๐™ช๐™–๐™ง๐™™๐™ž๐™–๐™ฃ-๐™๐™ง๐™ช๐™ฉ๐™ , ๐˜ผ๐™˜๐™˜๐™ค๐™ช๐™ฃ๐™ฉ๐™–๐™—๐™ž๐™ก๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™ฎ,๐™„๐™ฃ๐™ฉ๐™š๐™œ๐™ง๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™ฎ ๐™„๐™ฃ๐™‚๐™ช๐™ฎ๐™–๐™ฃ๐™– ๐˜ผ๐™ฃ๐™™ ๐˜พ๐™–๐™ง๐™ž๐™—๐™—๐™š๐™–๐™ฃ ๐™‹๐™š๐™ง๐™จ๐™ฅ๐™š๐™˜๐™ฉ๐™ž๐™ซ๐™š๐™จ.โ€” โœฆโ€”

ICJ Hearings Begin in High Stakes Battle over Guyana’s Sovereignty

THE decades-long controversy over Guyanaโ€™s western border will enter its most consequential phase today, as the International Court of Justice (ICJ) begins public hearings on the merits of the case concerning the 1899 Arbitral Award.
At the Peace Palace in The Hague, proceedings will run from May 4 to May 11, 2026, marking a pivotal moment in a case that will determine, with finality, the legal validity of Guyanaโ€™s territorial boundaries. For the first time, both Guyana and Venezuela will present their full oral arguments before the court, moving decisively beyond procedural challenges into the substantive heart of the dispute.
At issue is the Arbitral Award of October 3, 1899, which legally established the boundary between British Guiana and Venezuela. Despite accepting the award for decades, Venezuela reversed its position in 1962, reigniting a controversy that has since cast a long shadow over regional stability and Guyanaโ€™s sovereign development.
Guyana formally approached the ICJ on March 29, 2018, seeking a definitive and peaceful resolution grounded in international law. Since then, the case has advanced through written pleadings and jurisdictional challenges, all of which have been decisively settled in Guyanaโ€™s favour.
In two landmark rulingsโ€”December 18, 2020, and April 6, 2023โ€”the ICJ confirmed its jurisdiction and dismissed Venezuelaโ€™s preliminary objections, clearing the way for the court to examine the merits. These decisions effectively dismantled Venezuelaโ€™s procedural resistance and affirmed the legitimacy of Guyanaโ€™s legal pathway to resolution.
The Court has also acted to preserve stability on the ground. In its most recent Order of December 2023, the ICJ directed Venezuela to refrain from any actions that would alter the status quo in the disputed territoryโ€”an area under Guyanaโ€™s administration and control. That directive remains a critical safeguard as tensions continue to simmer.
The hearing schedule reflects the gravity of the proceedings. Guyana will open arguments today, May 4, across two sessionsโ€”10:00 a.m. to 1:00 p.m. and 3:00 p.m. to 6:00 p.m.โ€”setting out its case rooted in historical record, legal continuity, and established international principles.
Venezuela will follow on May 6 in similar time slots, before the second round of arguments begins. Guyana will return on May 8, with Venezuela delivering its final submissions on May 11.
This stage represents far more than a legal exercise. The outcome carries profound implications for Guyanaโ€™s territorial integrity, national sovereignty, and economic trajectoryโ€”particularly at a time when the country is experiencing unprecedented resource-driven growth.
The Government of Guyana has expressed full confidence in its case, anchored in what it maintains is overwhelming historical and legal evidence. That confidence will now be tested in open court, under global scrutiny.
What unfolds over the coming days will not only revisit historyโ€”it will define the future. For Guyana, the expectation is clear: that law, not power, will finally settle a controversy that has lingered for more than a century.

The Price of Silence, What Changed at Kaieteur News?

๐—” ๐—ณ๐—ผ๐—น๐—น๐—ผ๐˜„-๐˜‚๐—ฝ ๐˜๐—ผ ๐—›๐—ผ๐˜„ ๐—ฎ ๐—™๐—ถ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ฐ๐—ฒ ๐—–๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ฐ ๐—ช๐—ฎ๐˜€ ๐—ง๐—ฎ๐—บ๐—ฒ๐—ฑ โ€”๐—ป๐—ฒ๐˜„ ๐—พ๐˜‚๐—ฒ๐˜€๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป๐˜€ ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ฒ๐—ฝ๐—ฒ๐—ป ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐—ป๐—ฐ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ป๐˜€ ๐—ฎ๐—ฏ๐—ผ๐˜‚๐˜ ๐—ฒ๐—ฑ๐—ถ๐˜๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—ถ๐—ฎ๐—น ๐˜€๐—ฒ๐—น๐—ฒ๐—ฐ๐˜๐—ถ๐˜ƒ๐—ถ๐˜๐˜†, ๐—ฝ๐—ผ๐˜„๐—ฒ๐—ฟ, ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐˜„๐—ต๐—ฎ๐˜ ๐—บ๐—ฎ๐˜† ๐—น๐—ถ๐—ฒ ๐—ฏ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐—ฒ๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ต ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ
๐˜€๐—ถ๐—น๐—ฒ๐—ป๐—ฐ๐—ฒ
๐˜š๐˜ช๐˜ญ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฏ๐˜ค๐˜ฆ, ๐˜ฐ๐˜ฏ๐˜ค๐˜ฆ ๐˜ฏ๐˜ฐ๐˜ต๐˜ฆ๐˜ฅ, ๐˜ฃ๐˜ฆ๐˜ค๐˜ฐ๐˜ฎ๐˜ฆ๐˜ด ๐˜ช๐˜ฎ๐˜ฑ๐˜ฐ๐˜ด๐˜ด๐˜ช๐˜ฃ๐˜ญ๐˜ฆ ๐˜ต๐˜ฐ ๐˜ช๐˜จ๐˜ฏ๐˜ฐ๐˜ณ๐˜ฆ.
In our previous publication, we examined what appeared to be a quiet but consequential shift at Kaieteur Newsโ€”a movement away from its historically defiant posture into something more measured, more selective, and, to some observers, more accommodating.
Since then, the response has not come in the form of clear rebuttals or transparent explanations. Instead, it has arrived in fragmentsโ€”private outreach, careful distancing, and a noticeable discomfort with the questions themselves.
That, in itself, is revealing.
Because if nothing has changed, there should be nothing to explain.
Yet the pattern persists.
Critical submissions continue to face an invisible filter. โ€œ Letters and Op-Edโ€™sโ€ that once would have led the charge now struggle to find daylight. At the same time, issues of national consequenceโ€”such as the brutal murder of Sayieed Bakshโ€”have failed to generate the sustained attention one would expect from institutions that once prided themselves on pursuing truth without fear or favor.
๐˜›๐˜ฉ๐˜ช๐˜ด ๐˜ช๐˜ด ๐˜ฏ๐˜ฐ๐˜ต ๐˜ข๐˜ฏ ๐˜ข๐˜ค๐˜ค๐˜ถ๐˜ด๐˜ข๐˜ต๐˜ช๐˜ฐ๐˜ฏ. ๐˜๐˜ต ๐˜ช๐˜ด ๐˜ข๐˜ฏ ๐˜ฐ๐˜ฃ๐˜ด๐˜ฆ๐˜ณ๐˜ท๐˜ข๐˜ต๐˜ช๐˜ฐ๐˜ฏ.
๐˜ˆ๐˜ฏ๐˜ฅ ๐˜ช๐˜ต ๐˜ญ๐˜ฆ๐˜ข๐˜ฅ๐˜ด ๐˜ต๐˜ฐ ๐˜ข ๐˜ฎ๐˜ฐ๐˜ณ๐˜ฆ ๐˜ฅ๐˜ช๐˜ง๐˜ง๐˜ช๐˜ค๐˜ถ๐˜ญ๐˜ต ๐˜ฒ๐˜ถ๐˜ฆ๐˜ด๐˜ต๐˜ช๐˜ฐ๐˜ฏ: ๐˜ธ๐˜ฉ๐˜ข๐˜ต ๐˜ง๐˜ฐ๐˜ณ๐˜ค๐˜ฆ๐˜ดโ€”๐˜ช๐˜ฏ๐˜ต๐˜ฆ๐˜ณ๐˜ฏ๐˜ข๐˜ญ ๐˜ฐ๐˜ณ ๐˜ฆ๐˜น๐˜ต๐˜ฆ๐˜ณ๐˜ฏ๐˜ข๐˜ญโ€”๐˜ฏ๐˜ฐ๐˜ธ ๐˜ด๐˜ฉ๐˜ข๐˜ฑ๐˜ฆ ๐˜ธ๐˜ฉ๐˜ข๐˜ต ๐˜ต๐˜ฉ๐˜ฆ ๐˜ฑ๐˜ถ๐˜ฃ๐˜ญ๐˜ช๐˜ค ๐˜ช๐˜ด ๐˜ข๐˜ญ๐˜ญ๐˜ฐ๐˜ธ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฅ ๐˜ต๐˜ฐ ๐˜ด๐˜ฆ๐˜ฆ?
Increasingly, attention has turned to the intersection of editorial behavior and access to privilege.
There is growing public curiosity about allocations of prime lands along the East Bank Heroes Highway corridor and in Palmyra, Berbiceโ€” transactions that, while not unlawful on their face, demand transparency given the stature of those involved and the timing within which they occurred. In any healthy democracy, such matters would invite scrutiny, not silence.
So why the silence?
Is it coincidence that a period marked by editorial restraint aligns with whispers of increased proximity to state-linked opportunities? Or is Guyana witnessing a more sophisticated evolution of influenceโ€”one where pressure is no longer applied outwardly, but absorbed quietly through access and accommodation?
At the same time, another layer of concern has begun to surface.
Sources with knowledge of ongoing inquiriesโ€”speaking cautiously and within clear limitsโ€”have alluded to financial movements that extend beyond Guyanaโ€™s jurisdiction. References to accounts in Miami, and to transactions involving individuals connected to officialdom, have begun to circulate with increasing frequency.
No formal findings have been made public. No conclusions are asserted here.
But the questions are no longer isolated.
They are converging.
And within those questions, one curious line has emergedโ€”repeated just often enough to invite scrutiny, but never fully explained.
โ€œ๐˜Š๐˜ฉ๐˜ฐ๐˜ค๐˜ฐ๐˜ญ๐˜ข๐˜ต๐˜ฆ.? ๐˜–๐˜ณ ๐˜ณ๐˜ฆ๐˜ข๐˜ญ ๐˜ฆ๐˜ด๐˜ต๐˜ข๐˜ต๐˜ฆ ๐˜Š๐˜ฐ๐˜ฏ๐˜ด๐˜ถ๐˜ญ๐˜ต๐˜ข๐˜ฏ๐˜ค๐˜บ?โ€
What exactly does it represent? A harmless indulgence? A coded reference? Or simply a convenient retort in a conversation that prefers not to speak plainly?
We do not speculate. But we do take note.
Because when editorial silence, privileged access, and unexplained financial references begin to occupy the same spaceโ€”even looselyโ€”the burden shifts.
Not to those asking the questions.
But to those in a position to answer them.
๐˜’๐˜ข๐˜ช๐˜ฆ๐˜ต๐˜ฆ๐˜ถ๐˜ณ ๐˜•๐˜ฆ๐˜ธ๐˜ด ๐˜ฐ๐˜ฏ๐˜ค๐˜ฆ ๐˜ฃ๐˜ถ๐˜ช๐˜ญ๐˜ต ๐˜ช๐˜ต๐˜ด ๐˜ณ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฑ๐˜ถ๐˜ต๐˜ข๐˜ต๐˜ช๐˜ฐ๐˜ฏ ๐˜ฐ๐˜ฏ ๐˜ค๐˜ฐ๐˜ฏ๐˜ง๐˜ณ๐˜ฐ๐˜ฏ๐˜ต๐˜ช๐˜ฏ๐˜จ ๐˜ฑ๐˜ฐ๐˜ธ๐˜ฆ๐˜ณ, ๐˜ฏ๐˜ฐ๐˜ต ๐˜ค๐˜ฐ๐˜ฆ๐˜น๐˜ช๐˜ด๐˜ต๐˜ช๐˜ฏ๐˜จ ๐˜ธ๐˜ช๐˜ต๐˜ฉ ๐˜ช๐˜ต. ๐˜›๐˜ฉ๐˜ข๐˜ต ๐˜ญ๐˜ฆ๐˜จ๐˜ข๐˜ค๐˜บ ๐˜ช๐˜ด ๐˜ฏ๐˜ฐ๐˜ต ๐˜ฆ๐˜ข๐˜ด๐˜ช๐˜ญ๐˜บ ๐˜ฆ๐˜ณ๐˜ข๐˜ด๐˜ฆ๐˜ฅโ€”๐˜ฃ๐˜ถ๐˜ต ๐˜ช๐˜ต ๐˜ค๐˜ข๐˜ฏ ๐˜ฃ๐˜ฆ ๐˜ฒ๐˜ถ๐˜ช๐˜ฆ๐˜ต๐˜ญ๐˜บ ๐˜ณ๐˜ฆ๐˜ธ๐˜ณ๐˜ช๐˜ต๐˜ต๐˜ฆ๐˜ฏ.
And if there is a reasonable explanation for what the public is now witnessing, then it should be offeredโ€”clearly, directly, and without evasion.
๐˜‰๐˜ฆ๐˜ค๐˜ข๐˜ถ๐˜ด๐˜ฆ ๐˜ต๐˜ฉ๐˜ฆ ๐˜ญ๐˜ฐ๐˜ฏ๐˜จ๐˜ฆ๐˜ณ ๐˜ต๐˜ฉ๐˜ฆ ๐˜ด๐˜ช๐˜ญ๐˜ฆ๐˜ฏ๐˜ค๐˜ฆ ๐˜ฑ๐˜ฆ๐˜ณ๐˜ด๐˜ช๐˜ด๐˜ต๐˜ด, ๐˜ต๐˜ฉ๐˜ฆ ๐˜ญ๐˜ฐ๐˜ถ๐˜ฅ๐˜ฆ๐˜ณ ๐˜ต๐˜ฉ๐˜ฆ ๐˜ฒ๐˜ถ๐˜ฆ๐˜ด๐˜ต๐˜ช๐˜ฐ๐˜ฏ๐˜ด ๐˜ธ๐˜ช๐˜ญ๐˜ญ ๐˜ฃ๐˜ฆ๐˜ค๐˜ฐ๐˜ฎ๐˜ฆ.
๐˜ˆ๐˜ฏ๐˜ฅ ๐˜ต๐˜ฉ๐˜ช๐˜ด ๐˜ต๐˜ช๐˜ฎ๐˜ฆ, ๐˜ต๐˜ฉ๐˜ฆ๐˜บ ๐˜ข๐˜ณ๐˜ฆ ๐˜ฏ๐˜ฐ๐˜ต ๐˜ค๐˜ฐ๐˜ฎ๐˜ช๐˜ฏ๐˜จ ๐˜ง๐˜ณ๐˜ฐ๐˜ฎ ๐˜ต๐˜ฉ๐˜ฆ ๐˜ฎ๐˜ข๐˜ณ๐˜จ๐˜ช๐˜ฏ๐˜ด.
๐˜›๐˜ฉ๐˜ฆ๐˜บ ๐˜ข๐˜ณ๐˜ฆ ๐˜ค๐˜ฐ๐˜ฎ๐˜ช๐˜ฏ๐˜จ ๐˜ง๐˜ณ๐˜ฐ๐˜ฎ ๐˜ต๐˜ฉ๐˜ฆ ๐˜ท๐˜ฆ๐˜ณ๐˜บ ๐˜ข๐˜ถ๐˜ฅ๐˜ช๐˜ฆ๐˜ฏ๐˜ค๐˜ฆ ๐˜ต๐˜ฉ๐˜ข๐˜ต ๐˜ฐ๐˜ฏ๐˜ค๐˜ฆ ๐˜ต๐˜ณ๐˜ถ๐˜ด๐˜ต๐˜ฆ๐˜ฅ ๐˜ต๐˜ฉ๐˜ฆ ๐˜ธ๐˜ข๐˜ต๐˜ค๐˜ฉ๐˜ฅ๐˜ฐ๐˜จ ๐˜ต๐˜ฐ ๐˜ฃ๐˜ข๐˜ณ๐˜ฌ.
๐™๐™๐™š 592 ๐™‚๐™ช๐™–๐™ง๐™™๐™ž๐™–๐™ฃ-๐™๐™ง๐™ช๐™ฉ๐™ , ๐˜ผ๐™˜๐™˜๐™ค๐™ช๐™ฃ๐™ฉ๐™–๐™—๐™ž๐™ก๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™ฎ,๐™„๐™ฃ๐™ฉ๐™š๐™œ๐™ง๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™ฎ ๐™„๐™ฃ๐™‚๐™ช๐™ฎ๐™–๐™ฃ๐™– ๐˜ผ๐™ฃ๐™™ ๐˜พ๐™–๐™ง๐™ž๐™—๐™—๐™š๐™–๐™ฃ ๐™‹๐™š๐™ง๐™จ๐™ฅ๐™š๐™˜๐™ฉ๐™ž๐™ซ๐™š๐™จ.โ€” โœฆโ€”

Fastest Growing, Fundamentally Fragile

๐™๐™๐™š ๐™œ๐™ค๐™ซ๐™š๐™ง๐™ฃ๐™ข๐™š๐™ฃ๐™ฉโ€™๐™จ ๐™ก๐™–๐™ฉ๐™š๐™จ๐™ฉ ๐™–๐™ฉ๐™ฉ๐™š๐™ข๐™ฅ๐™ฉ ๐™ฉ๐™ค ๐™˜๐™–๐™ฃ๐™ค๐™ฃ๐™ž๐™ฏ๐™š ๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™จ๐™š๐™ก๐™› ๐™–๐™จ ๐™ฉ๐™๐™š ๐™–๐™ง๐™˜๐™๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™š๐™˜๐™ฉ ๐™ค๐™› ๐™‚๐™ช๐™ฎ๐™–๐™ฃ๐™–โ€™๐™จ ๐™š๐™˜๐™ค๐™ฃ๐™ค๐™ข๐™ž๐™˜ ๐™ข๐™ž๐™ง๐™–๐™˜๐™ก๐™š ๐™ฌ๐™ค๐™ช๐™ก๐™™ ๐™—๐™š ๐™–๐™ข๐™ช๐™จ๐™ž๐™ฃ๐™œโ€”๐™ž๐™› ๐™ž๐™ฉ ๐™ฌ๐™š๐™ง๐™š๐™ฃโ€™๐™ฉ ๐™จ๐™ค ๐™™๐™–๐™ฃ๐™œ๐™š๐™ง๐™ค๐™ช๐™จ๐™ก๐™ฎ ๐™ข๐™ž๐™จ๐™ก๐™š๐™–๐™™๐™ž๐™ฃ๐™œ.
Finance Minister Dr. Ashni Singh wants the country to believe that todayโ€™s oil-fuelled boom is the natural and inevitable result of decades of PPP/C foresight, discipline, and economic genius. It is a neat story. Convenient. Self-serving.
And largely incomplete.
Yes, Guyana is now the worldโ€™s fastest-growing economy. That much is undeniable. But what the government refuses to confrontโ€”what it deliberately sidestepsโ€”is the uncomfortable truth buried within the very reports it proudly cites.

The IMF, World Bank, and Inter-American Development Bank are not in the business of political flattery. And their assessments tell a far less triumphant story.
Strip away the oil, and what remains?
A fragile, under-diversified economy.
Weak institutional capacity.
Chronic implementation failures.
And a public sector struggling to keep pace with the very growth it celebrates.

The World Bank has warned, repeatedly, that Guyanaโ€™s non-oil economy lacks resilience. The IDB has flagged glaring deficiencies in governance, procurement, and project execution. These are not minor technical footnotesโ€”they are structural red flags.
Yet, instead of addressing these realities with urgency and transparency, the government wraps itself in GDP statistics and calls it transformation.

This is not transformation. This is statistical intoxication.
Because while the numbers soar, ordinary Guyanese are left to navigate a very different reality: escalating living costs, chaotic infrastructure, overwhelmed health systems, and an education sector ill-prepared for the demands of a modern economy.

Where, exactly, is this prosperity being felt?
Certainly not evenly. And certainly not fairly.The administrationโ€™s narrative also leans heavily on historical revisionismโ€”suggesting that todayโ€™s success is the direct outcome of policy decisions stretching back to 1992. But letโ€™s be clear: Guyanaโ€™s current economic explosion is overwhelmingly driven by oil.
๐™Š๐™ž๐™ก ๐™ง๐™š๐™ซ๐™š๐™ฃ๐™ช๐™š๐™จ. ๐™Š๐™ž๐™ก ๐™ฅ๐™ง๐™ค๐™™๐™ช๐™˜๐™ฉ๐™ž๐™ค๐™ฃ. ๐™Š๐™ž๐™ก ๐™˜๐™ค๐™ฃ๐™ฉ๐™ง๐™–๐™˜๐™ฉ๐™จ.
๐™‰๐™ค๐™ฉ ๐™–๐™œ๐™ง๐™ž๐™˜๐™ช๐™ก๐™ฉ๐™ช๐™ง๐™–๐™ก ๐™™๐™ž๐™ซ๐™š๐™ง๐™จ๐™ž๐™›๐™ž๐™˜๐™–๐™ฉ๐™ž๐™ค๐™ฃ.
๐™‰๐™ค๐™ฉ ๐™ข๐™–๐™ฃ๐™ช๐™›๐™–๐™˜๐™ฉ๐™ช๐™ง๐™ž๐™ฃ๐™œ ๐™š๐™ญ๐™ฅ๐™–๐™ฃ๐™จ๐™ž๐™ค๐™ฃ.
๐™‰๐™ค๐™ฉ ๐™ž๐™ฃ๐™ฃ๐™ค๐™ซ๐™–๐™ฉ๐™ž๐™ค๐™ฃ-๐™ก๐™š๐™™ ๐™œ๐™ง๐™ค๐™ฌ๐™ฉ๐™.
๐™๐™ค ๐™ฅ๐™ง๐™š๐™ฉ๐™š๐™ฃ๐™™ ๐™ค๐™ฉ๐™๐™š๐™ง๐™ฌ๐™ž๐™จ๐™š ๐™ž๐™จ ๐™ฃ๐™ค๐™ฉ ๐™Ÿ๐™ช๐™จ๐™ฉ ๐™ข๐™ž๐™จ๐™ก๐™š๐™–๐™™๐™ž๐™ฃ๐™œโ€”๐™ž๐™ฉ ๐™ž๐™จ ๐™ž๐™ฃ๐™ฉ๐™š๐™ก๐™ก๐™š๐™˜๐™ฉ๐™ช๐™–๐™ก๐™ก๐™ฎ ๐™™๐™ž๐™จ๐™๐™ค๐™ฃ๐™š๐™จ๐™ฉ.
๐™„๐™ฃ๐™ซ๐™š๐™จ๐™ฉ๐™ค๐™ง ๐™˜๐™ค๐™ฃ๐™›๐™ž๐™™๐™š๐™ฃ๐™˜๐™š, ๐™ฉ๐™ค๐™ค, ๐™ž๐™จ ๐™—๐™š๐™ž๐™ฃ๐™œ ๐™˜๐™ค๐™ฃ๐™ซ๐™š๐™ฃ๐™ž๐™š๐™ฃ๐™ฉ๐™ก๐™ฎ ๐™ข๐™ž๐™จ๐™˜๐™๐™–๐™ง๐™–๐™˜๐™ฉ๐™š๐™ง๐™ž๐™ฏ๐™š๐™™.
๐™„๐™ฃ๐™ซ๐™š๐™จ๐™ฉ๐™ค๐™ง๐™จ ๐™–๐™ง๐™š ๐™ฃ๐™ค๐™ฉ ๐™›๐™ก๐™ค๐™˜๐™ ๐™ž๐™ฃ๐™œ ๐™ฉ๐™ค ๐™‚๐™ช๐™ฎ๐™–๐™ฃ๐™– ๐™—๐™š๐™˜๐™–๐™ช๐™จ๐™š ๐™ค๐™› ๐™ฅ๐™ง๐™ž๐™จ๐™ฉ๐™ž๐™ฃ๐™š ๐™œ๐™ค๐™ซ๐™š๐™ง๐™ฃ๐™–๐™ฃ๐™˜๐™š ๐™ค๐™ง ๐™ž๐™ฃ๐™จ๐™ฉ๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™ช๐™ฉ๐™ž๐™ค๐™ฃ๐™–๐™ก ๐™š๐™ญ๐™˜๐™š๐™ก๐™ก๐™š๐™ฃ๐™˜๐™š. ๐™๐™๐™š๐™ฎ ๐™–๐™ง๐™š ๐™˜๐™ค๐™ข๐™ž๐™ฃ๐™œ ๐™—๐™š๐™˜๐™–๐™ช๐™จ๐™š ๐™‚๐™ช๐™ฎ๐™–๐™ฃ๐™– ๐™จ๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™จ ๐™–๐™ฉ๐™ค๐™ฅ ๐™—๐™ž๐™ก๐™ก๐™ž๐™ค๐™ฃ๐™จ ๐™ค๐™› ๐™—๐™–๐™ง๐™ง๐™š๐™ก๐™จ ๐™ค๐™› ๐™ค๐™ž๐™ก.
๐™ƒ๐™ž๐™œ๐™ ๐™ง๐™š๐™ฉ๐™ช๐™ง๐™ฃ๐™จ ๐™–๐™ฉ๐™ฉ๐™ง๐™–๐™˜๐™ฉ ๐™˜๐™–๐™ฅ๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™–๐™ก. ๐™๐™๐™–๐™ฉ ๐™ž๐™จ ๐™ฃ๐™ค๐™ฉ ๐™– ๐™œ๐™ค๐™ซ๐™š๐™ง๐™ฃ๐™–๐™ฃ๐™˜๐™š ๐™š๐™ฃ๐™™๐™ค๐™ง๐™จ๐™š๐™ข๐™š๐™ฃ๐™ฉโ€”๐™ž๐™ฉ ๐™ž๐™จ ๐™ข๐™–๐™ง๐™ ๐™š๐™ฉ ๐™ก๐™ค๐™œ๐™ž๐™˜.

And herein lies the danger.
Because what happens when oil prices dip? When reserves decline? When global energy transitions accelerate?
What remains of this so-called โ€œtransformationโ€?
The IDB has already issued the warning: without stronger institutions, greater transparency, and disciplined management of public resources, Guyana risks squandering a once-in-a-generation opportunity.
That is not opposition rhetoric. That is expert assessment.
But instead of confronting these risks, the government continues to peddle a narrative of perfectionโ€”one where past leadership is beyond reproach and present challenges are conveniently ignored.

This is not leadership. This is deflection.
Guyana does not need mythology. It needs honesty.
It needs leaders who understand that growth without equity is hollow. That wealth without systems is unstable.
๐™๐™๐™–๐™ฉ ๐™ฅ๐™ง๐™ค๐™œ๐™ง๐™š๐™จ๐™จ ๐™ฌ๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™๐™ค๐™ช๐™ฉ ๐™–๐™˜๐™˜๐™ค๐™ช๐™ฃ๐™ฉ๐™–๐™—๐™ž๐™ก๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™ฎ ๐™ž๐™จ ๐™ช๐™ฃ๐™จ๐™ช๐™จ๐™ฉ๐™–๐™ž๐™ฃ๐™–๐™—๐™ก๐™š.
๐™๐™๐™š ๐™ฉ๐™ง๐™ช๐™ฉ๐™ ๐™ž๐™จ ๐™จ๐™ž๐™ข๐™ฅ๐™ก๐™š, ๐™š๐™ซ๐™š๐™ฃ ๐™ž๐™› ๐™ž๐™ฉ ๐™ž๐™จ ๐™ฅ๐™ค๐™ก๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™ž๐™˜๐™–๐™ก๐™ก๐™ฎ ๐™ž๐™ฃ๐™˜๐™ค๐™ฃ๐™ซ๐™š๐™ฃ๐™ž๐™š๐™ฃ๐™ฉ:
๐™‚๐™ช๐™ฎ๐™–๐™ฃ๐™– ๐™ž๐™จ ๐™ง๐™ž๐™˜๐™โ€”๐™—๐™ช๐™ฉ ๐™ฃ๐™ค๐™ฉ ๐™ฎ๐™š๐™ฉ ๐™ฌ๐™š๐™ก๐™ก-๐™™๐™š๐™ซ๐™š๐™ก๐™ค๐™ฅ๐™š๐™™.
๐™‚๐™ง๐™ค๐™ฌ๐™ž๐™ฃ๐™œโ€”๐™—๐™ช๐™ฉ ๐™ฃ๐™ค๐™ฉ ๐™ฎ๐™š๐™ฉ ๐™จ๐™ฉ๐™–๐™—๐™ก๐™š.
๐™‹๐™ง๐™ค๐™ข๐™ž๐™จ๐™ž๐™ฃ๐™œโ€”๐™—๐™ช๐™ฉ ๐™™๐™–๐™ฃ๐™œ๐™š๐™ง๐™ค๐™ช๐™จ๐™ก๐™ฎ ๐™ช๐™ฃ๐™ฅ๐™ง๐™š๐™ฅ๐™–๐™ง๐™š๐™™.
๐˜ผ๐™ฃ๐™™ ๐™ฃ๐™ค ๐™–๐™ข๐™ค๐™ช๐™ฃ๐™ฉ ๐™ค๐™› ๐™ฅ๐™ค๐™ก๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™ž๐™˜๐™–๐™ก ๐™จ๐™š๐™ก๐™›-๐™˜๐™ค๐™ฃ๐™œ๐™ง๐™–๐™ฉ๐™ช๐™ก๐™–๐™ฉ๐™ž๐™ค๐™ฃ ๐™˜๐™–๐™ฃ ๐™˜๐™๐™–๐™ฃ๐™œ๐™š ๐™ฉ๐™๐™–๐™ฉ ๐™ง๐™š๐™–๐™ก๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™ฎ.
๐™๐™–๐™˜๐™ฉ๐™จ ๐™™๐™ค ๐™ฃ๐™ค๐™ฉ ๐™—๐™š๐™ฃ๐™™ ๐™ฉ๐™ค ๐™ฃ๐™–๐™ง๐™ง๐™–๐™ฉ๐™ž๐™ซ๐™š๐™จ.
๐™€๐™ซ๐™š๐™ฃ๐™ฉ๐™ช๐™–๐™ก๐™ก๐™ฎ, ๐™ฉ๐™๐™š๐™ฎ ๐™™๐™š๐™ข๐™–๐™ฃ๐™™ ๐™ง๐™š๐™˜๐™ ๐™ค๐™ฃ๐™ž๐™ฃ๐™œ
๐™๐™๐™š 592 ๐™‚๐™ช๐™–๐™ง๐™™๐™ž๐™–๐™ฃ-๐™๐™ง๐™ช๐™ฉ๐™ , ๐˜ผ๐™˜๐™˜๐™ค๐™ช๐™ฃ๐™ฉ๐™–๐™—๐™ž๐™ก๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™ฎ,๐™„๐™ฃ๐™ฉ๐™š๐™œ๐™ง๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™ฎ ๐™„๐™ฃ๐™‚๐™ช๐™ฎ๐™–๐™ฃ๐™– ๐˜ผ๐™ฃ๐™™ ๐˜พ๐™–๐™ง๐™ž๐™—๐™—๐™š๐™–๐™ฃ ๐™‹๐™š๐™ง๐™จ๐™ฅ๐™š๐™˜๐™ฉ๐™ž๐™ซ๐™š๐™จ.โ€” โœฆ

Diplomacy Has Boundaries – Even for Allies

๐€ ๐‘๐ž๐ฌ๐ฉ๐จ๐ง๐ฌ๐ž ๐ญ๐จ ๐”.๐’. ๐€๐ฆ๐›๐š๐ฌ๐ฌ๐š๐๐จ๐ซ ๐“๐ก๐ž๐ซ๐ข๐จ๐ญโ€™๐ฌ ๐‘๐ž๐ฆ๐š๐ซ๐ค๐ฌ ๐จ๐ง ๐†๐ฎ๐ฒ๐š๐ง๐šโ€™๐ฌ ๐๐ซ๐จ๐œ๐ฎ๐ซ๐ž๐ฆ๐ž๐ง๐ญ ๐š๐ง๐ ๐“๐š๐ฑ ๐๐จ๐ฅ๐ข๐œ๐ฒ

There is an old and well-understood principle in international relations: diplomacy works best when it is conducted with discretion, mutual respect, and an acute awareness of the boundaries that separate advocacy from interference. It is a principle that has guided productive bilateral relationships for centuries, and one that appears to have been somewhat overlooked in recent remarks made by United States Ambassador to Guyana, Nicole Theriot.
Speaking on a recent episode of the
๐™€๐™ฃ๐™š๐™ง๐™œ๐™ฎ ๐™‹๐™š๐™ง๐™จ๐™ฅ๐™š๐™˜๐™ฉ๐™ž๐™ซ๐™š๐™จ podcast, Ambassador Theriot called on Guyana to modernize its tender process, digitize procurement submissions, strengthen oversight of public contracts, and resolve the double taxation burden facing American companies operating here.
๐™Š๐™ฃ ๐™ฉ๐™๐™š ๐™จ๐™ช๐™ง๐™›๐™–๐™˜๐™š, ๐™ฉ๐™๐™š๐™จ๐™š ๐™ข๐™–๐™ฎ ๐™–๐™ฅ๐™ฅ๐™š๐™–๐™ง ๐™ฉ๐™ค ๐™—๐™š ๐™ง๐™š๐™–๐™จ๐™ค๐™ฃ๐™–๐™—๐™ก๐™š ๐™—๐™ช๐™จ๐™ž๐™ฃ๐™š๐™จ๐™จ ๐™˜๐™ค๐™ฃ๐™˜๐™š๐™ง๐™ฃ๐™จ. ๐™€๐™ญ๐™–๐™ข๐™ž๐™ฃ๐™š๐™™ ๐™ข๐™ค๐™ง๐™š ๐™˜๐™–๐™ง๐™š๐™›๐™ช๐™ก๐™ก๐™ฎ, ๐™๐™ค๐™ฌ๐™š๐™ซ๐™š๐™ง, ๐™ฉ๐™๐™š๐™ฎ ๐™ง๐™š๐™ฅ๐™ง๐™š๐™จ๐™š๐™ฃ๐™ฉ ๐™– ๐™ฅ๐™–๐™ฉ๐™ฉ๐™š๐™ง๐™ฃ ๐™ค๐™› ๐™ฅ๐™ช๐™—๐™ก๐™ž๐™˜ ๐™˜๐™ค๐™ข๐™ข๐™š๐™ฃ๐™ฉ๐™–๐™ง๐™ฎ ๐™ฉ๐™๐™–๐™ฉ ๐™ง๐™–๐™ž๐™จ๐™š๐™จ ๐™ก๐™š๐™œ๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™ž๐™ข๐™–๐™ฉ๐™š ๐™ฆ๐™ช๐™š๐™จ๐™ฉ๐™ž๐™ค๐™ฃ๐™จ ๐™–๐™—๐™ค๐™ช๐™ฉ ๐™ฉ๐™๐™š ๐™–๐™ฅ๐™ฅ๐™ง๐™ค๐™ฅ๐™ง๐™ž๐™–๐™ฉ๐™š ๐™ง๐™ค๐™ก๐™š ๐™ค๐™› ๐™– ๐™›๐™ค๐™ง๐™š๐™ž๐™œ๐™ฃ ๐™š๐™ฃ๐™ซ๐™ค๐™ฎ ๐™ž๐™ฃ ๐™ฉ๐™๐™š ๐™™๐™ค๐™ข๐™š๐™จ๐™ฉ๐™ž๐™˜ ๐™ฅ๐™ค๐™ก๐™ž๐™˜๐™ฎ ๐™–๐™›๐™›๐™–๐™ž๐™ง๐™จ ๐™ค๐™› ๐™– ๐™จ๐™ค๐™ซ๐™š๐™ง๐™š๐™ž๐™œ๐™ฃ ๐™๐™ค๐™จ๐™ฉ ๐™ฃ๐™–๐™ฉ๐™ž๐™ค๐™ฃ.

๐“๐ก๐ž ๐ƒ๐ข๐ฉ๐ฅ๐จ๐ฆ๐š๐ญ๐ข๐œ ๐’๐ญ๐š๐ง๐๐š๐ซ๐ ๐–๐ž ๐’๐ก๐จ๐ฎ๐ฅ๐ ๐„๐ฑ๐ฉ๐ž๐œ๐ญ
Ambassadors serve a vital and respected function in international relations. They are the living bridge between two nations โ€” tasked with fostering trade, strengthening cultural ties, protecting their citizens abroad, and communicating their governmentโ€™s positions through the appropriate channels. What they are not empowered to do โ€” at least not without consequence to the relationship โ€” is publicly prescribe policy reform to the governments before which they are accredited.
One need only apply the most basic test of reciprocity to appreciate the concern. Would Guyanaโ€™s Ambassador to Washington be received warmly if he took to an American media platform to publicly urge the U.S. Congress to overhaul its federal procurement system, or to demand that the Internal Revenue Service restructure its tax obligations to accommodate Guyanese businesses? The answer is self-evident.
๐™Ž๐™ช๐™˜๐™ ๐™ง๐™š๐™ข๐™–๐™ง๐™ ๐™จ ๐™ฌ๐™ค๐™ช๐™ก๐™™ ๐™—๐™š ๐™˜๐™ค๐™ฃ๐™จ๐™ž๐™™๐™š๐™ง๐™š๐™™ ๐™ค๐™ซ๐™š๐™ง๐™ง๐™š๐™–๐™˜๐™ ๐™–๐™ฉ ๐™—๐™š๐™จ๐™ฉ, ๐™–๐™ฃ๐™™ ๐™– ๐™™๐™ž๐™ฅ๐™ก๐™ค๐™ข๐™–๐™ฉ๐™ž๐™˜ ๐™–๐™›๐™›๐™ง๐™ค๐™ฃ๐™ฉ ๐™–๐™ฉ ๐™ฌ๐™ค๐™ง๐™จ๐™ฉ. ๐™๐™๐™š ๐™จ๐™ฉ๐™–๐™ฃ๐™™๐™–๐™ง๐™™ ๐™˜๐™–๐™ฃ๐™ฃ๐™ค๐™ฉ โ€” ๐™–๐™ฃ๐™™ ๐™จ๐™๐™ค๐™ช๐™ก๐™™ ๐™ฃ๐™ค๐™ฉ โ€” ๐™—๐™š ๐™™๐™ž๐™›๐™›๐™š๐™ง๐™š๐™ฃ๐™ฉ ๐™จ๐™ž๐™ข๐™ฅ๐™ก๐™ฎ ๐™—๐™š๐™˜๐™–๐™ช๐™จ๐™š ๐™ฉ๐™๐™š ๐™˜๐™ค๐™ข๐™ข๐™š๐™ฃ๐™ฉ๐™–๐™ง๐™ฎ ๐™›๐™ก๐™ค๐™ฌ๐™จ ๐™ž๐™ฃ ๐™ฉ๐™๐™š ๐™ค๐™ฉ๐™๐™š๐™ง ๐™™๐™ž๐™ง๐™š๐™˜๐™ฉ๐™ž๐™ค๐™ฃ

๐†๐ฎ๐ฒ๐š๐ง๐šโ€™๐ฌ ๐‘๐ž๐œ๐จ๐ซ๐ ๐š๐ฌ ๐š ๐…๐จ๐ซ๐ž๐ข๐ ๐ง ๐ˆ๐ง๐ฏ๐ž๐ฌ๐ญ๐ฆ๐ž๐ง๐ญ ๐ƒ๐ž๐ฌ๐ญ๐ข๐ง๐š๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง
What makes Ambassador Theriotโ€™s remarks particularly striking is that they seem to overlook the extraordinary lengths to which Guyana has already gone to attract and accommodate foreign direct investment โ€” American investment, specifically.
The terms under which ExxonMobil and its partners operate in Guyanaโ€™s offshore petroleum sector are, by any objective measure, among the most generous production sharing agreements in the world. Guyanese civil society, academics, and even some government officials have repeatedly raised concerns about whether the country negotiated adequately on behalf of its own citizens.

๐™‡๐™ค๐™˜๐™–๐™ก ๐™—๐™ช๐™จ๐™ž๐™ฃ๐™š๐™จ๐™จ๐™š๐™จ, ๐™ž๐™ฃ ๐™ฉ๐™๐™š ๐™ข๐™š๐™–๐™ฃ๐™ฉ๐™ž๐™ข๐™š, ๐™ค๐™ฅ๐™š๐™ง๐™–๐™ฉ๐™š ๐™ฌ๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™๐™ค๐™ช๐™ฉ ๐™ฉ๐™๐™š ๐™ฅ๐™ง๐™ค๐™ฉ๐™š๐™˜๐™ฉ๐™ž๐™ซ๐™š ๐™˜๐™ช๐™จ๐™๐™ž๐™ค๐™ฃ ๐™ค๐™› ๐™ฉ๐™๐™ค๐™จ๐™š ๐™˜๐™ค๐™ฃ๐™˜๐™š๐™จ๐™จ๐™ž๐™ค๐™ฃ๐™จ, ๐™ค๐™›๐™ฉ๐™š๐™ฃ ๐™จ๐™ฉ๐™ง๐™ช๐™œ๐™œ๐™ก๐™ž๐™ฃ๐™œ ๐™ฉ๐™ค ๐™˜๐™ค๐™ข๐™ฅ๐™š๐™ฉ๐™š ๐™ž๐™ฃ ๐™– ๐™ก๐™–๐™ฃ๐™™๐™จ๐™˜๐™–๐™ฅ๐™š ๐™ฉ๐™๐™–๐™ฉ ๐™๐™–๐™จ ๐™—๐™š๐™š๐™ฃ ๐™™๐™š๐™ก๐™ž๐™—๐™š๐™ง๐™–๐™ฉ๐™š๐™ก๐™ฎ ๐™จ๐™๐™–๐™ฅ๐™š๐™™ ๐™ฉ๐™ค ๐™›๐™–๐™ซ๐™ค๐™ง ๐™ก๐™–๐™ง๐™œ๐™š ๐™ž๐™ฃ๐™ฉ๐™š๐™ง๐™ฃ๐™–๐™ฉ๐™ž๐™ค๐™ฃ๐™–๐™ก ๐™ฅ๐™ก๐™–๐™ฎ๐™š๐™ง๐™จ.
American companies enjoy the ability to repatriate capital freely, benefit from a relatively stable and dollarized business environment, and operate in a jurisdiction that has bent over backwards to present itself as investor-friendly. To then hear public calls for further accommodation โ€” this time in the form of structural reforms to national procurement policy โ€” is, frankly, difficult to reconcile with any fair reading of the existing investment landscape.

๐Ž๐ง ๐ญ๐ก๐ž ๐Œ๐š๐ญ๐ญ๐ž๐ซ ๐จ๐Ÿ ๐ƒ๐จ๐ฎ๐›๐ฅ๐ž ๐“๐š๐ฑ๐š๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง
The Ambassadorโ€™s concern about the absence of a bilateral tax treaty between the United States and Guyana is a legitimate one, and it is an issue that genuinely warrants resolution. Guyana has successfully negotiated double taxation agreements with Canada, the United Kingdom, CARICOM nations, and the United Arab Emirates. There is no principled reason why a similar arrangement with the United States should not be pursued with urgency.
However, there is a meaningful difference between working quietly and effectively through diplomatic and legislative channels to advance such an agreement โ€” which Ambassador Theriot indicates her office is doing โ€” and making the broader grievances of American corporations a subject of public commentary. The former is good diplomacy. The latter risks reducing a complex bilateral relationship to something that resembles corporate lobbying conducted from an embassy.
It is also worth noting that other international companies โ€” British, Canadian, Caribbean โ€” operate within the same regulatory framework without their respective ambassadors taking to media platforms to demand policy changes. If the framework is truly as burdensome as suggested, one might reasonably ask why this particular chorus has only one prominent voice.

๐“๐ก๐ž ๐–๐ข๐๐ž๐ซ ๐‚๐จ๐ง๐ญ๐ž๐ฑ๐ญ ๐‚๐š๐ง๐ง๐จ๐ญ ๐๐ž ๐ˆ๐ ๐ง๐จ๐ซ๐ž๐
Ambassador Theriotโ€™s remarks do not exist in a vacuum. They come at a moment when Guyana finds itself at the center of enormous geopolitical and commercial interest, driven by one of the most significant oil discoveries in recent history. Major powers are competing for influence, access, and partnership in this small South American nation, and that competition inevitably shapes the tone and content of diplomatic engagement.
In that context, it is important for Guyanese policymakers, civil society, and the public to develop a discerning eye for the difference between genuine partnership and advocacy dressed in the language of partnership. When a foreign ambassador uses a public platform to call for changes to a host nationโ€™s procurement laws, tax architecture, and regulatory environment โ€” however diplomatically framed โ€” that is a moment that deserves careful scrutiny rather than quiet acceptance.

๐™‚๐™ช๐™ฎ๐™–๐™ฃ๐™– ๐™ž๐™จ ๐™– ๐™จ๐™ค๐™ซ๐™š๐™ง๐™š๐™ž๐™œ๐™ฃ ๐™ฃ๐™–๐™ฉ๐™ž๐™ค๐™ฃ. ๐™„๐™ฉ ๐™ž๐™จ ๐™ฃ๐™ค๐™ฉ ๐™–๐™ฃ ๐™š๐™˜๐™ค๐™ฃ๐™ค๐™ข๐™ž๐™˜ ๐™›๐™ง๐™ค๐™ฃ๐™ฉ๐™ž๐™š๐™ง ๐™–๐™ฌ๐™–๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™ž๐™ฃ๐™œ ๐™ž๐™ฃ๐™จ๐™ฉ๐™ง๐™ช๐™˜๐™ฉ๐™ž๐™ค๐™ฃ ๐™›๐™ง๐™ค๐™ข ๐™ข๐™ค๐™ง๐™š ๐™ฅ๐™ค๐™ฌ๐™š๐™ง๐™›๐™ช๐™ก ๐™ž๐™ฃ๐™ฉ๐™š๐™ง๐™š๐™จ๐™ฉ๐™จ ๐™ค๐™ฃ ๐™๐™ค๐™ฌ ๐™ฉ๐™ค ๐™ค๐™ง๐™œ๐™–๐™ฃ๐™ž๐™ฏ๐™š ๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™จ ๐™–๐™›๐™›๐™–๐™ž๐™ง๐™จ. ๐™„๐™ฉ ๐™๐™–๐™จ ๐™– ๐™›๐™ช๐™ฃ๐™˜๐™ฉ๐™ž๐™ค๐™ฃ๐™ž๐™ฃ๐™œ ๐™œ๐™ค๐™ซ๐™š๐™ง๐™ฃ๐™ข๐™š๐™ฃ๐™ฉ, ๐™˜๐™–๐™ฅ๐™–๐™—๐™ก๐™š ๐™ฉ๐™š๐™˜๐™๐™ฃ๐™ค๐™˜๐™ง๐™–๐™ฉ๐™จ, ๐™–๐™ฃ๐™™ ๐™–๐™ฃ ๐™š๐™ก๐™š๐™˜๐™ฉ๐™ค๐™ง๐™–๐™ฉ๐™š ๐™ฌ๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™ ๐™ก๐™š๐™œ๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™ž๐™ข๐™–๐™ฉ๐™š ๐™š๐™ญ๐™ฅ๐™š๐™˜๐™ฉ๐™–๐™ฉ๐™ž๐™ค๐™ฃ๐™จ ๐™–๐™—๐™ค๐™ช๐™ฉ ๐™๐™ค๐™ฌ ๐™ฉ๐™๐™š ๐™˜๐™ค๐™ช๐™ฃ๐™ฉ๐™ง๐™ฎโ€™๐™จ ๐™ง๐™š๐™จ๐™ค๐™ช๐™ง๐™˜๐™š๐™จ ๐™–๐™ฃ๐™™ ๐™ž๐™ฃ๐™จ๐™ฉ๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™ช๐™ฉ๐™ž๐™ค๐™ฃ๐™จ ๐™–๐™ง๐™š ๐™ข๐™–๐™ฃ๐™–๐™œ๐™š๐™™.
Reforms to procurement, taxation, and regulatory frameworks will come โ€” and should come โ€” but they will be most durable and most legitimate when they emerge from Guyanaโ€™s own democratic processes, informed by the needs of its own people.

๐€ ๐‚๐š๐ฅ๐ฅ ๐Ÿ๐จ๐ซ ๐„๐ง๐ ๐š๐ ๐ž๐, ๐‘๐ž๐ฌ๐ฉ๐ž๐œ๐ญ๐Ÿ๐ฎ๐ฅ ๐๐š๐ซ๐ญ๐ง๐ž๐ซ๐ฌ๐ก๐ข๐ฉ
None of this is to suggest that the United States is not a valued partner for Guyana, or that Ambassador Theriotโ€™s underlying intentions are anything other than constructive. The bilateral relationship between the two countries holds genuine promise, and there is meaningful common ground on trade, energy, security, and development cooperation.

๐˜ฝ๐™ช๐™ฉ ๐™จ๐™ฉ๐™ง๐™ค๐™ฃ๐™œ ๐™ฅ๐™–๐™ง๐™ฉ๐™ฃ๐™š๐™ง๐™จ๐™๐™ž๐™ฅ๐™จ ๐™–๐™ง๐™š ๐™—๐™ช๐™ž๐™ก๐™ฉ ๐™ค๐™ฃ ๐™ข๐™ช๐™ฉ๐™ช๐™–๐™ก ๐™ง๐™š๐™จ๐™ฅ๐™š๐™˜๐™ฉ โ€” ๐™–๐™ฃ๐™™ ๐™ข๐™ช๐™ฉ๐™ช๐™–๐™ก ๐™ง๐™š๐™จ๐™ฅ๐™š๐™˜๐™ฉ ๐™ง๐™š๐™ฆ๐™ช๐™ž๐™ง๐™š๐™จ ๐™ฉ๐™๐™–๐™ฉ ๐™š๐™ซ๐™š๐™ฃ ๐™ฉ๐™๐™š ๐™ข๐™ค๐™จ๐™ฉ ๐™ฅ๐™ค๐™ฌ๐™š๐™ง๐™›๐™ช๐™ก ๐™ฅ๐™–๐™ง๐™ฉ๐™ฃ๐™š๐™ง๐™จ ๐™ง๐™š๐™˜๐™ค๐™œ๐™ฃ๐™ž๐™ฏ๐™š ๐™–๐™ฃ๐™™ ๐™๐™ค๐™ฃ๐™ค๐™ง ๐™ฉ๐™๐™š ๐™—๐™ค๐™ช๐™ฃ๐™™๐™–๐™ง๐™ž๐™š๐™จ ๐™ค๐™› ๐™–๐™ฅ๐™ฅ๐™ง๐™ค๐™ฅ๐™ง๐™ž๐™–๐™ฉ๐™š ๐™š๐™ฃ๐™œ๐™–๐™œ๐™š๐™ข๐™š๐™ฃ๐™ฉ. ๐™๐™๐™š ๐™ง๐™ž๐™œ๐™๐™ฉ ๐™ซ๐™š๐™ฃ๐™ช๐™š ๐™›๐™ค๐™ง ๐™ง๐™–๐™ž๐™จ๐™ž๐™ฃ๐™œ ๐™˜๐™ค๐™ฃ๐™˜๐™š๐™ง๐™ฃ๐™จ ๐™–๐™—๐™ค๐™ช๐™ฉ ๐™ฅ๐™ง๐™ค๐™˜๐™ช๐™ง๐™š๐™ข๐™š๐™ฃ๐™ฉ ๐™ฉ๐™ง๐™–๐™ฃ๐™จ๐™ฅ๐™–๐™ง๐™š๐™ฃ๐™˜๐™ฎ ๐™ž๐™จ ๐™– ๐™—๐™ž๐™ก๐™–๐™ฉ๐™š๐™ง๐™–๐™ก ๐™—๐™ช๐™จ๐™ž๐™ฃ๐™š๐™จ๐™จ ๐™›๐™ค๐™ง๐™ช๐™ข ๐™ค๐™ง ๐™– ๐™ฅ๐™ง๐™ž๐™ซ๐™–๐™ฉ๐™š ๐™ข๐™š๐™š๐™ฉ๐™ž๐™ฃ๐™œ ๐™ฌ๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™ ๐™ฉ๐™๐™š ๐™ง๐™š๐™ก๐™š๐™ซ๐™–๐™ฃ๐™ฉ ๐™ข๐™ž๐™ฃ๐™ž๐™จ๐™ฉ๐™ง๐™ฎ โ€” ๐™ฃ๐™ค๐™ฉ ๐™– ๐™ฅ๐™ค๐™™๐™˜๐™–๐™จ๐™ฉ.
The right approach to tax treaty advocacy is sustained, respectful engagement with both governmentsโ€™ finance officials โ€” not public statements that place Guyanaโ€™s regulatory environment in an unflattering light before an international audience.
Ambassador Theriot has an opportunity to reset the tone of this conversation and to demonstrate that American diplomatic engagement with Guyana is rooted in genuine partnership rather than the expectation of preferential treatment. Guyana, for its part, has every right to expect nothing less.

๐™๐™๐™š ๐™จ๐™ฉ๐™ง๐™š๐™ฃ๐™œ๐™ฉ๐™ ๐™ค๐™› ๐™–๐™ฃ๐™ฎ ๐™–๐™ก๐™ก๐™ž๐™–๐™ฃ๐™˜๐™š ๐™ž๐™จ ๐™ข๐™š๐™–๐™จ๐™ช๐™ง๐™š๐™™ ๐™ฃ๐™ค๐™ฉ ๐™ค๐™ฃ๐™ก๐™ฎ ๐™—๐™ฎ ๐™ฌ๐™๐™–๐™ฉ ๐™š๐™–๐™˜๐™ ๐™ฅ๐™–๐™ง๐™ฉ๐™ฎ ๐™œ๐™–๐™ž๐™ฃ๐™จ ๐™›๐™ง๐™ค๐™ข ๐™ž๐™ฉ, ๐™—๐™ช๐™ฉ ๐™—๐™ฎ ๐™ฉ๐™๐™š ๐™™๐™š๐™œ๐™ง๐™š๐™š ๐™ค๐™› ๐™™๐™ž๐™œ๐™ฃ๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™ฎ ๐™–๐™ฃ๐™™ ๐™ง๐™š๐™จ๐™ฅ๐™š๐™˜๐™ฉ ๐™ฌ๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™ ๐™ฌ๐™๐™ž๐™˜๐™ ๐™ฉ๐™๐™š๐™ฎ ๐™ฉ๐™ง๐™š๐™–๐™ฉ ๐™ค๐™ฃ๐™š ๐™–๐™ฃ๐™ค๐™ฉ๐™๐™š๐™ง. ๐™Š๐™ฃ ๐™ฉ๐™๐™–๐™ฉ ๐™ข๐™š๐™–๐™จ๐™ช๐™ง๐™š, ๐™ฉ๐™๐™š๐™ง๐™š ๐™ž๐™จ ๐™ง๐™ค๐™ค๐™ข ๐™›๐™ค๐™ง ๐™ž๐™ข๐™ฅ๐™ง๐™ค๐™ซ๐™š๐™ข๐™š๐™ฃ๐™ฉ โ€” ๐™–๐™ฃ๐™™ ๐™ฉ๐™๐™š ๐™›๐™ž๐™ง๐™จ๐™ฉ ๐™จ๐™ฉ๐™š๐™ฅ ๐™—๐™š๐™œ๐™ž๐™ฃ๐™จ ๐™ฌ๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™ ๐™ง๐™š๐™˜๐™ค๐™œ๐™ฃ๐™ž๐™ฏ๐™ž๐™ฃ๐™œ ๐™ฌ๐™๐™š๐™ง๐™š ๐™ฉ๐™๐™š ๐™ก๐™ž๐™ฃ๐™š ๐™ž๐™จ.

๐™๐™๐™š 592 ๐™‚๐™ช๐™–๐™ง๐™™๐™ž๐™–๐™ฃ-๐™๐™ง๐™ช๐™ฉ๐™ , ๐˜ผ๐™˜๐™˜๐™ค๐™ช๐™ฃ๐™ฉ๐™–๐™—๐™ž๐™ก๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™ฎ,๐™„๐™ฃ๐™ฉ๐™š๐™œ๐™ง๐™ž๐™ฉ๐™ฎ ๐™„๐™ฃ๐™‚๐™ช๐™ฎ๐™–๐™ฃ๐™– ๐˜ผ๐™ฃ๐™™ ๐˜พ๐™–๐™ง๐™ž๐™—๐™—๐™š๐™–๐™ฃ ๐™‹๐™š๐™ง๐™จ๐™ฅ๐™š๐™˜๐™ฉ๐™ž๐™ซ๐™š๐™จ.โ€” โœฆโ€”