Public Funds, Private Control: The Real Issue Behind Transport in Infrastructure Projects

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592 𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣

The statement by the Association of Chinese Enterprises in Guyana attempts to reframe a legitimate public concern as a misunderstanding, but it fails to address the core issue at hand: compliance with local content laws and equitable participation in a tax-funded economy.

These projects are not private ventures operating in isolation—they are government contracts financed by the people of Guyana. As such, they are subject to local content requirements designed to ensure that Guyanese workers and businesses meaningfully benefit from national development. The concern is not about efficiency or project delivery; it is about whether those legal and economic safeguards are being upheld consistently and transparently.

While the Association argues that in-house transportation fleets were created due to capacity constraints, this explanation overlooks a critical point. Local providers were not given a fair opportunity to scale, partner, or adapt to increased demand. Instead, foreign-controlled fleets assumed a dominant role in a key segment of the supply chain. This risks displacing local enterprise rather than developing it.

Moreover, the claim that these fleets are not intended to “capture the market” is difficult to reconcile with the reality of sustained operational control in transportation. Intent does not negate impact. When a single group gains functional dominance in an industry tied to public contracts, it raises valid questions about market access, competition, and regulatory oversight.

Guyana’s development strategy was never meant to replace local participation with foreign control. Investment agreements were premised on job creation, knowledge transfer, and partnership—not the consolidation of industries under external entities. The spirit of those agreements must be respected as much as their letter.

This is not a call for exclusion, but for balance, accountability, and adherence to the laws that protect Guyanese interests. True partnership requires transparency, mutual benefit, and a commitment to strengthening—not sidelining—local capacity.

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592 𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣-𝙏𝙧𝙪𝙩𝙝 , 𝘼𝙘𝙘𝙤𝙪𝙣𝙩𝙖𝙗𝙞𝙡𝙞𝙩𝙮,𝙄𝙣𝙩𝙚𝙜𝙧𝙞𝙩𝙮 𝙄𝙣𝙂𝙪𝙮𝙖𝙣𝙖 𝘼𝙣𝙙 𝘾𝙖𝙧𝙞𝙗𝙗𝙚𝙖𝙣 𝙋𝙚𝙧𝙨𝙥𝙚𝙘𝙩𝙞𝙫𝙚𝙨.— ✦—

Their Cameras Came Before Their Compassion

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592 𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣

𝘼 𝙨𝙥𝙚𝙘𝙩𝙖𝙘𝙡𝙚 𝙞𝙣 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙧𝙖𝙞𝙣, 𝙗𝙪𝙩 𝙬𝙝𝙚𝙧𝙚 𝙞𝙨 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙧𝙚𝙡𝙞𝙚𝙛?

There is no denying the political value of a carefully staged appearance in the aftermath of suffering. The images may be powerful, the message may be carefully framed, and the optics may well resonate with a portion of the electorate. But for the people on the ground, optics do not drain floodwater, rebuild damaged homes, or restore a sense of security.

That is the core problem. At a time when victims need urgent, practical help, too many political actors seem more interested in performance than relief. They arrive with cameras, umbrellas, and rehearsed concern, but the public is left asking the only question that matters: what exactly are you going to do?

Where is the road ?

It is not enough to show up. It is not enough to pose in the rain and speak in broad, comforting phrases. People facing hardship do not need song and dance. They need action, coordination, resources, and a government that understands that compassion without competence is merely theatre.

What makes this even more troubling is the timing. In moments of crisis, there is a fine line between solidarity and self-promotion. When that line is crossed, the result is not sympathy but suspicion. The public can see when grief and hardship are being used as a backdrop for political branding.

This is why the entire exercise feels so transparent. The performance may be polished, but the message beneath it is plain: the spectacle comes first, the suffering second. That is not leadership. That is politics at its most cynical.
The people deserve better than optics. They deserve seriousness, urgency, and real relief.

“𝑻𝙝𝒆𝙮 𝙆𝒆𝙚𝒑 𝑫𝙤𝒊𝙣𝒈 𝑻𝙝𝒆 𝑺𝙖𝒎𝙚 𝙏𝒉𝙞𝒏𝙜 𝙊𝒗𝙚𝒓 𝑨𝙣𝒅 𝑶𝙫𝒆𝙧 𝘼𝒏𝙙 𝙀𝒙𝙥𝒆𝙘𝒕𝙞𝒏𝙜 𝘿𝒊𝙛𝒇𝙚𝒓𝙚𝒏𝙩 𝙍𝒆𝙨𝒖𝙡𝒕𝙨

If we look long enough the solutionwill rise up from the waters

Ali Cannot Lecture Investors While Guyana’s Own Record Raises Red Flags

BY: Hem Kumar 

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592 𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣

President Irfaan Ali wants investors to come prepared, to do their homework, and to stop treating Guyana like a drive-through market. Fair enough. But the problem is that this is the same administration that has spent years cultivating exactly the kind of investment culture it now wants to scold—one marked by preferential access, political convenience, and a troubling tolerance for foreign actors who seem to get the soft landing locals never receive.

The President is not setting standards so much as trying to retrofit them after the fact.

𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐢𝐦𝐚𝐠𝐞 𝐆𝐮𝐲𝐚𝐧𝐚 𝐛𝐮𝐢𝐥𝐭

Guyana cannot spend years projecting itself as open for business at any cost, then act offended when investors come expecting access, speed, and influence. That image was reinforced by the government’s defensive posture on the oil contract, where the 2% royalty arrangement remains protected behind the familiar shield of contract sanctity, even as ordinary Guyanese are told to accept the deal as settled history. A state that refuses to revisit glaring imbalances in its most consequential contract cannot suddenly pose as a hard-headed gatekeeper when it is convenient.

The message abroad is not hard to decode: some deals are untouchable, some interests are protected, and some players are simply more welcome than others.

𝐖𝐚𝐬𝐡𝐢𝐧𝐠𝐭𝐨𝐧 𝐢𝐬 𝐧𝐨𝐭𝐢𝐜𝐢𝐧𝐠

That is why Congressman Gabe Evans’s recent letter to Secretary of State Marco Rubio matters. Evans warned of “creeping Chinese influence” in Guyana and raised alarms about reports of Chinese firms securing contracts, financing, and political footholds in ways that could threaten U.S. interests in energy, diplomacy, and critical minerals. In plain terms, Guyana is not only being watched; it is being scrutinized for the very habits its leadership has normalized.

So when Ali stands before an American audience and lectures on investor expectations, the paradox is obvious. He is effectively telling U.S. investors to temper their assumptions while Washington is already asking whether Guyana has become too accommodating to Chinese influence.

 𝐏𝐫𝐞𝐝𝐢𝐜𝐭𝐚𝐛𝐢𝐥𝐢𝐭𝐲 𝐢𝐬 𝐧𝐨𝐭 𝐟𝐚𝐯𝐨𝐫𝐢𝐭𝐢𝐬𝐦

The U.S. ambassador’s point about predictability cuts straight through the noise. Predictability means rules that are clear, consistent, and applied without regard to who has the best political connections. It does not mean one set of doors for locals, another for foreign firms, and a VIP corridor for the well-connected.

That distinction matters because the complaints from Guyanese businesses are not imaginary. Local truckers have protested what they describe as a system that favors Chinese-linked firms and squeezes out domestic operators, with some alleging that contracts and access flow through family ties, political connections, and selective facilitation. 

When local players are forced to shout just to be treated fairly, the government has already admitted the weakness of its own system.

𝐂𝐨𝐧𝐭𝐫𝐚𝐜𝐭 𝐬𝐚𝐧𝐜𝐭𝐢𝐭𝐲, 𝐬𝐞𝐥𝐞𝐜𝐭𝐢𝐯𝐞 𝐜𝐨𝐮𝐫𝐚𝐠𝐞

The administration’s favorite phrase—sanctity of contract—has become a political refuge. It is invoked to shut down calls for renegotiating oil terms, yet it is rarely accompanied by equal vigor in defending local enterprise from unfair competition or foreign dominance.

That is the real sting in this debate: the government is fiercely principled when protecting corporate arrangements, but noticeably flexible when the national interest requires courage.That is not consistency. It is choreography.

𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐫𝐞𝐝 𝐜𝐚𝐫𝐩𝐞𝐭 𝐩𝐫𝐨𝐛𝐥𝐞𝐦

The accusation now hanging over the administration is not simply that it welcomes investment. It is that it has rolled out the red carpet for certain foreign actors, especially Chinese businesses, and then turned around to demand restraint from everyone else.You cannot preach prudence to investors while refusing to exercise it on behalf of your own citizens.

This is not a neutral posture. It is a choice—one that signals to global capital that Guyana is willing to prioritize investor comfort over national leverage. When disputes arise, the government has too often appeared aligned with oil majors rather than the Guyanese people, particularly on issues of environmental liability, cost recovery audits, and regulatory enforcement. The result is a credibility gap wide enough to swallow the President’s Houston remarks whole.

Investors notice these signals, and so do citizens

A country cannot market itself as business-friendly, then punish the public for believing it.

𝐂𝐥𝐨𝐬𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐬𝐭𝐢𝐧𝐠

If President Ali wants to be taken seriously, he must first explain why Guyana keeps attracting the same complaints: one-sided contracts, preferential treatment, weak procurement credibility, and a pattern of accommodation that now has even U.S. lawmakers sounding alarms. The issue is not that investors need to come prepared. The issue is that Guyana’s government should have prepared its own house long ago.

Until it does, the President’s lecture will remain what it sounded like in Houston: not a statement of principle, but an attempt to put discipline on an image his own administration helped create.

If President Ali truly wants investors to come prepared, then the government must first do its own preparation—by strengthening institutions, enforcing accountability, and demonstrating that Guyana is not just open for business, but serious about protecting its people, its resources, and its future.

Because in the end, the investment climate is not defined by speeches in Houston.

It is defined by the choices made at home.

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592 𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣-𝙏𝙧𝙪𝙩𝙝 , 𝘼𝙘𝙘𝙤𝙪𝙣𝙩𝙖𝙗𝙞𝙡𝙞𝙩𝙮,𝙄𝙣𝙩𝙚𝙜𝙧𝙞𝙩𝙮 𝙄𝙣𝙂𝙪𝙮𝙖𝙣𝙖 𝘼𝙣𝙙 𝘾𝙖𝙧𝙞𝙗𝙗𝙚𝙖𝙣 𝙋𝙚𝙧𝙨𝙥𝙚𝙘𝙩𝙞𝙫𝙚𝙨.— ✦—

Names, Numbers, and Power:   Why the System Turned on  Dr. Jadoopat.

BY: Staff Writer 

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592 𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣

There is an uncomfortable truth at the heart of Guyana’s extractive sector—one that powerful interests would prefer buried, redacted, or quietly erased. That truth is this: transparency was not only achieved, it was documented, published, and made accessible to the public under the stewardship of Dr.Rudy Jadoopat.

As National Coordinator of the Guyana Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (GYEITI) from 2017 to 2022, Dr.Jadoopat did what few in public office have dared to do—he operationalized transparency. Not as a slogan, but as a system. Not as rhetoric, but as verifiable data.

Under his leadership, Guyana did not merely subscribe to the EITI International Standard; it implemented it. The GYEITI National Secretariat was not just established—it was structured, managed, and driven to deliver measurable compliance with international requirements for accountability across oil and gas, mining, forestry, and fisheries.

But it is in the Annexes of the GYEITI Reports where the real story lies.

Those Annexes did not deal in abstractions. They named names. They detailed dates. They identified acreages, locations, and license numbers. They exposed, in plain data, the architecture of Guyana’s extractive economy—particularly the sprawling and notoriously opaque gold mining sector.

And therein lay the problem.

Because when transparency is real, it becomes inconvenient.

The disclosures did not discriminate. They revealed:

connections—individuals, associates, and entities tied to influence and power. Figures such as Su Zhi Rong, Ivor English,  Joe Harmon, Simona Broomes Ramzan Ali, Jagmohan and others emerged not through speculation, but through documented records. The Alphonso family reportedly holds claims to over one million acres of gold mining concessions. It is also alleged that they are part of the Multi-Stakeholder Group and serve as financiers of political parties and their leadership. Additionally, they are said to have the ability to influence state officials, including appointments and the removal of GGMC officers with whom they are not aligned.

The data spoke for itself, and it did so publicly.

For the political and economic elite, this was intolerable.

Transparency, when it begins to illuminate networks of privilege and proximity, is no longer celebrated—it becomes a threat.

What followed raises serious questions.

Jadoopat’s removal from his position did not occur in a vacuum. It coincided with growing unease about the breadth and accessibility of the information released. More troubling are the reported alterations to previously published datasets—columns removed, including critical fields such as “Date Granted” for concessions. These are not cosmetic edits; they strike at the integrity of the record.

Such actions, if verified, suggest not routine data management, but deliberate sanitization.

And here lies a critical miscalculation.

The data was never confined to a single server or website. It was downloaded, archived, and distributed. Local stakeholders, international organizations, and oversight bodies already possess the raw datasets. The attempt to retroactively obscure or modify public disclosures is not only futile—it invites deeper scrutiny.

Because in the age of digital transparency, erasure is not easily achieved. It is, however, easily detected.

What Guyana now faces is not simply a question of governance, but of credibility. The international community, including EITI oversight mechanisms and allied institutions, is watching closely—not just what is said, but what is changed, removed, or concealed.

Transparency cannot be selectively applied. It cannot be embraced when convenient and dismantled when uncomfortable.

If Guyana is to maintain any claim to accountability in its extractive industries, then the integrity of its disclosures must be defended—not diluted.

The work done between 2017 and 2022 set a benchmark. The question now is whether that benchmark will be upheld—or quietly undone.

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592 𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣-𝙏𝙧𝙪𝙩𝙝 , 𝘼𝙘𝙘𝙤𝙪𝙣𝙩𝙖𝙗𝙞𝙡𝙞𝙩𝙮,𝙄𝙣𝙩𝙚𝙜𝙧𝙞𝙩𝙮 𝙄𝙣𝙂𝙪𝙮𝙖𝙣𝙖 𝘼𝙣𝙙 𝘾𝙖𝙧𝙞𝙗𝙗𝙚𝙖𝙣 𝙋𝙚𝙧𝙨𝙥𝙚𝙘𝙩𝙞𝙫𝙚𝙨.— ✦—

A Government of Six for One

BY: Hem Kumar 

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592 𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣

The image is as striking as it is revealing: a single citizen seated across from a full complement of state power—one Vice President, five Ministers, and an entourage of aides—collectively engaged in what appears to be the resolution of his concern. On its face, it projects attentiveness, even compassion. But beneath that carefully staged tableau lies a far more troubling question: is this governance, or is this performance?

Let us begin with the obvious. One citizen. Six senior government officials. The immediate question is not whether the citizen deserves to be heard—he absolutely does—but whether this configuration represents a rational, efficient, and equitable use of state resources. How many issues could one individual realistically present that would require the simultaneous attention of such a high-level delegation? And if those issues indeed spanned multiple sectors, why was there no structured system to route them to the relevant agencies or technocrats?

This is where the image stops being impressive and starts becoming instructive. It suggests a breakdown—not of concern, but of systems. In any functional administrative framework, ministers set policy direction while technical officers, departments, and service units execute and engage. The presence of six senior officials at a single table for one case is not a sign of efficiency; it is an indictment of institutional weakness—or a deliberate substitution of systems with spectacle.

Consider the opportunity cost. At any given moment, each of these officials is responsible for portfolios affecting thousands—sometimes hundreds of thousands—of citizens. And here lies the sharper question: what pressing national matters were deferred so that six could attend to one?

Citizens are still waiting for answers on the disappearance of firearms from police custody. Families continue to demand justice in unresolved murders, including the killing of Sayeed Baksh. Allegations of overreach by law enforcement—such as the arbitrary seizure of licensed firearms—remain sources of public unease. Cases of child sexual abuse persist with alarming frequency, requiring urgent, sustained intervention at the highest levels of policy and enforcement.

Yet, on this day, the machinery of the state converged not on those systemic crises, but on a single, highly visible engagement.

Equally troubling is the quiet abandonment of systems taxpayers have already funded. Significant public sums were invested in digitization—“world-class” complaint platforms and applications designed to streamline citizen engagement, reduce bottlenecks, and eliminate the need for precisely this kind of centralized spectacle. What is the status of those systems today? Are they functional, utilized, and delivering results? Or have they been relegated to presentation pieces—rolled out with fanfare, then quietly shelved?

The Minister of Public Service, in particular, owes the nation an update. If these digital mechanisms were implemented as promised, why are citizens still required to physically interface with the highest levels of government to have their concerns addressed?

Then there is the question of accountability within ministerial portfolios themselves. The public has seen troubling issues emerge—matters that go to the heart of governance, ethics, and responsibility. Concerns surrounding the destruction of public property, allegations of administrative overreach, and questions about the handling of public funds at the local government level remain unresolved in the public domain. These are not minor administrative hiccups; they are fundamental tests of transparency and leadership.

Yet instead of confronting these issues with clarity and urgency, the state appears more comfortable staging accessibility—performing governance rather than practicing it.

If this were the private sector, such an arrangement would be unthinkable. No serious enterprise would deploy six senior executives to troubleshoot a single customer issue when structured service channels exist. It would be deemed inefficient, costly, and unsustainable. Yet in the public sector—funded by taxpayers—such optics are presented as commendable.

Then there is the matter of timing and accessibility. Held during a workday, such engagements inherently exclude the very citizens they purport to serve—those who cannot afford to leave their jobs, forgo daily wages, or incur transportation costs. Accessibility is not achieved by proximity alone; it requires thoughtful scheduling, decentralization, and continuity. A one-day event, no matter how well attended by officials, cannot substitute for a permanent, functioning system of citizen engagement.

And context cannot be ignored. With local government elections on the horizon, the convergence of senior officials in highly publicized, citizen-facing engagements raises legitimate concerns. When state resources are deployed in ways that closely mirror campaign-style outreach, the distinction between governance and political theater becomes blurred—if not entirely erased.

𝗧𝗵𝗶𝘀 𝗶𝘀 𝗻𝗼𝘁 𝗺𝗶𝗰𝗿𝗼𝗺𝗮𝗻𝗮𝗴𝗲𝗺𝗲𝗻𝘁—𝗶𝘁 𝗶𝘀 𝗺𝗶𝘀𝗽𝗿𝗶𝗼𝗿𝗶𝘁𝗶𝘇𝗮𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻 𝗮𝘁 𝘀𝗰𝗮𝗹𝗲. 𝗜𝘁 𝗶𝘀 𝘁𝗵𝗲 𝗲𝗹𝗲𝘃𝗮𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻 𝗼𝗳 𝗼𝗽𝘁𝗶𝗰𝘀 𝗼𝘃𝗲𝗿 𝗼𝘂𝘁𝗰𝗼𝗺𝗲𝘀, 𝗽𝗿𝗲𝘀𝗲𝗻𝗰𝗲 𝗼𝘃𝗲𝗿 𝗽𝗲𝗿𝗳𝗼𝗿𝗺𝗮𝗻𝗰𝗲.

𝗧𝗿𝘂𝗲 𝗴𝗼𝘃𝗲𝗿𝗻𝗮𝗻𝗰𝗲 𝗱𝗼𝗲𝘀 𝗻𝗼𝘁 𝗿𝗲𝗾𝘂𝗶𝗿𝗲 𝘀𝗶𝘅 𝗼𝗳𝗳𝗶𝗰𝗶𝗮𝗹𝘀 𝘁𝗼 𝘀𝗼𝗹𝘃𝗲 𝗼𝗻𝗲 𝗽𝗿𝗼𝗯𝗹𝗲𝗺. 𝗜𝘁 𝗿𝗲𝗾𝘂𝗶𝗿𝗲𝘀 𝘀𝘆𝘀𝘁𝗲𝗺𝘀 𝘁𝗵𝗮𝘁 𝗰𝗮𝗻 𝘀𝗼𝗹𝘃𝗲 𝗮 𝘁𝗵𝗼𝘂𝘀𝗮𝗻𝗱 𝘄𝗶𝘁𝗵𝗼𝘂𝘁 𝘀𝗽𝗲𝗰𝘁𝗮𝗰𝗹𝗲. 

𝗨𝗻𝘁𝗶𝗹 𝘁𝗵𝗮𝘁 𝘀𝗵𝗶𝗳𝘁 𝗶𝘀 𝗺𝗮𝗱𝗲, 𝗶𝗺𝗮𝗴𝗲𝘀 𝗹𝗶𝗸𝗲 𝘁𝗵𝗲𝘀𝗲 𝘄𝗶𝗹𝗹 𝗰𝗼𝗻𝘁𝗶𝗻𝘂𝗲 𝘁𝗼 𝘀𝗽𝗲𝗮𝗸—𝗻𝗼𝘁 𝗼𝗳 𝘀𝘁𝗿𝗲𝗻𝗴𝘁𝗵, 𝗯𝘂𝘁 𝗼𝗳 𝗶𝗺𝗯𝗮𝗹𝗮𝗻𝗰𝗲—𝗮𝗻𝗱 𝗼𝗳 𝘀𝘁𝗮𝘁𝗲 𝗼𝗳𝗳𝗶𝗰𝗶𝗮𝗹𝘀 𝗺𝗼𝗿𝗲 𝗶𝗻𝘃𝗲𝘀𝘁𝗲𝗱 𝗶𝗻 𝗯𝗲𝗶𝗻𝗴 𝗽𝗿𝗼𝗺𝗶𝗻𝗲𝗻𝘁𝗹𝘆 𝘀𝗵𝗼𝘄𝗰𝗮𝘀𝗲𝗱 𝘁𝗵𝗮𝗻 𝗶𝗻 𝗲𝗳𝗳𝗲𝗰𝘁𝗶𝘃𝗲𝗹𝘆 𝗳𝘂𝗹𝗳𝗶𝗹𝗹𝗶𝗻𝗴 𝘁𝗵𝗲𝗶𝗿 𝗺𝗮𝗻𝗱𝗮𝘁𝗲. 𝗔𝗻𝘆𝘁𝗵𝗶𝗻𝗴 𝗹𝗲𝘀𝘀 𝗮𝗺𝗼𝘂𝗻𝘁𝘀 𝘁𝗼 𝗮 𝗰𝗹𝗲𝗮𝗿 𝗺𝗶𝘀𝗮𝗽𝗽𝗿𝗼𝗽𝗿𝗶𝗮𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻 𝗼𝗳 𝗽𝘂𝗯𝗹𝗶𝗰 𝗿𝗲𝘀𝗼𝘂𝗿𝗰𝗲𝘀.

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592 𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣-𝙏𝙧𝙪𝙩𝙝 , 𝘼𝙘𝙘𝙤𝙪𝙣𝙩𝙖𝙗𝙞𝙡𝙞𝙩𝙮,𝙄𝙣𝙩𝙚𝙜𝙧𝙞𝙩𝙮 𝙄𝙣𝙂𝙪𝙮𝙖𝙣𝙖 𝘼𝙣𝙙 𝘾𝙖𝙧𝙞𝙗𝙗𝙚𝙖𝙣 𝙋𝙚𝙧𝙨𝙥𝙚𝙘𝙩𝙞𝙫𝙚𝙨.— ✦—

Appeal Court Undermines Critical Oil Spill Safeguard with Parent Guarantee Ruling

BY: Dr. Vincent Adams

While looking ahead to a likely appeal to the Caribbean Court of Justice, Guyanese and Caribbean citizens must be worried sick about the Appeal Court’s devastating overturn of Justice Sandil Kissoon’s May 3, 2023 sage landmark Decision requiring Stabroek Block operator, ExxonMobil (Exxon) Guyana Limited (EMGL) to provide a Parent Company Guarantee (PCG) from its parent company Exxon and affiliates CNOOC and HESS to cover 𝐚𝐥𝐥 𝐜𝐨𝐬𝐭𝐬 related to an oil spill.

As the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) Head who created the PCG policy as the only necessary means to protect Guyana’s interest, with all due respect to the Court, I hands down disagree with its overturning of Kissoon’s profoundly thorough understanding of the context and well thought out Decision heralding the nostalgic feeling of national independence until now when ironically, the nation is about to celebrate its 60th anniversary of independence. Founding fathers Forbes Burnham and Cheddi Jagan must be turning in their graves witnessing the surrendering of Guyana’s sovereignty to new colonial masters such as corporate giant Exxon.       

Unbelievably, although Exxon unconscionably corrals 86% of Guyana’s God given oil patrimony, the Court still chose to exonerate this filthy rich oil giant from all liabilities. EMGL, and 𝐧𝐨𝐭 Exxon, is the sole contractor party to the Production Sharing Agreement (PSA) and all permits; and so, owns all of the liabilities despite 𝐧𝐨𝐭 𝐡𝐚𝐯𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐚𝐬𝐬𝐞𝐭𝐬 to cover an oil spill. Consequently, in the event of a spill, EMGL declares bankruptcy and Exxon goes scot-free, leaving Guyana holding the bag of financial bankruptcy and environmental catastrophe – unquestionably the trickery behind Exxon creating EMGL to insulate itself from liability; hence, the necessity for originating the PCG to save Guyana. Exxon would never get away with such a scheme in its home country of the USA; but, as Judge Kissoon wisely puts it “EMGL is engaged in a course of action 𝐢𝐦𝐩𝐞𝐫𝐦𝐢𝐬𝐬𝐢𝐛𝐥𝐞 only by the omissions of a 𝐝𝐞𝐫𝐞𝐥𝐢𝐜𝐭, 𝐩𝐥𝐢𝐚𝐧𝐭 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐬𝐮𝐛𝐦𝐢𝐬𝐬𝐢𝐯𝐞 𝐄𝐏𝐀…putting this nation and its people in 𝐠𝐫𝐚𝐯𝐞 𝐩𝐨𝐭𝐞𝐧𝐭𝐢𝐚𝐥 𝐝𝐚𝐧𝐠𝐞𝐫 𝐨𝐟 𝐜𝐚𝐥𝐚𝐦𝐢𝐭𝐨𝐮𝐬 𝐝𝐢𝐬𝐚𝐬𝐭𝐞𝐫.”

Unfortunately, it appears that the Court accepted the nonsensical ghost defence arguments that the word “unlimited” is not in the permits; and that the guarantee should be capped with an estimate. The following EPA permit clauses in litigation are presented below for readers to judge for yourselves:   

Clause 14:1 “The Permit Holder (EMGL) is liable for 𝐚𝐥𝐥 𝐜𝐨𝐬𝐭𝐬 associated with” an oil spill. 𝐍𝐨𝐭𝐞 the specificity of 𝐚𝐥𝐥 𝐜𝐨𝐬𝐭𝐬 (definition of “unlimited”) which means 𝐧𝐨𝐭 𝐜𝐚𝐩𝐩𝐞𝐝 for example at the phantom $2 Billion estimate (accepted by the Court).

Clause 14:10 “EMGL must provide from the Parent Company or CoVenturers (CNOOC and HESS) one or more legally binding agreements in which they undertake to provide adequate financial resources to pay their respective environmental obligations if EMGL “𝐟𝐚𝐢𝐥 𝐭𝐨 𝐝𝐨 𝐬𝐨 ”. 𝐍𝐨𝐭𝐞 the specificity of “if EMGL 𝐟𝐚𝐢𝐥 𝐭𝐨 𝐝𝐨 𝐬𝐨”– dictating that parent Exxon must provide financial assurances/guarantee for 𝐚𝐥𝐥 𝐜𝐨𝐬𝐭𝐬 which EMGL cannot pay (𝐟𝐚𝐢𝐥 𝐭𝐨 𝐝𝐨 𝐬𝐨) Again, the definition of “unlimited”.  

In summary, clause 14.1 mandates that EMGL as the permit holder is responsible for 𝐚𝐥𝐥 𝐜𝐨𝐬𝐭𝐬. However, if EMGL has inadequate resources to cover all costs “ 𝐟𝐚𝐢𝐥 𝐭𝐨 𝐝𝐨 𝐬𝐨 ”, then 14.10 orders that deep pocket parent Exxon and CoVenturers are liable for 𝐚𝐥𝐥 𝐜𝐨𝐬𝐭𝐬 over what EMGL can cover. It is therefore unfathomable how such “unambiguous language” (Judge Kissoon’s words) could mean anything but an “unlimited guarantee”, since 𝐚𝐥𝐥 means no limit. Yes, the term “unlimited” is not mentioned in the permit, but that is ghost argument if the words mentioned mean the same as “unlimited”. Confusingly, the Court also found that “while Exxon remains liable for pollution related damages, that liability does not automatically require unlimited financial assurance”, completely ignoring the key operative words 𝐚𝐥𝐥 𝐜𝐨𝐬𝐭𝐬 at Clause 14.10 which could only mean “liability for 𝐚𝐥𝐥 pollution related damages”. It begs the question, why were key words 𝐚𝐥𝐥 𝐜𝐨𝐬𝐭𝐬so visibly omitted from this most consequential finding?

Further, instead of “unlimited guarantee”, the ruling required an estimate of the damage as Financial Assurance, hinting that the Court may have been terribly misled that such an estimate is possible or ever done. Whosoever could do such an estimate has to be a fortune teller and should immediately purchase a lottery ticket. Nonetheless, just to humor such an ludicrous thought, the only possible estimating method would be of an analogous type using a similar situation such as the Macondo oil spill which occurred in our backyard, gushing 5 million barrels oil for 87 days costing British Petroleum $US145 B– none of which was, or could have been estimated! thereby leading to the million dollar question that was not addressed by the Court as to who will pay the cost of a Macondo type spill over and above Exxon’s farcical US $2B Assurance? It must be noted that this $2B ploy was Exxon’s first attempt in 2019 with insurance papers in hand to counter the EPA’s demand for the PCG, but it was instantly rejected.     

Another frivolous defence argument was that there was no specific PCG, when in fact, there can be no more of a substantively bona fide PCG than the legal language in the EPA Permits shown earlier. The only required side Agreement was to be amongst Exxon, CNOOC and HESS referenced in clause 14.10 earlier as the “binding agreement” to show how the three entities will share “pay their respective environmental obligations” which had to be approved by the EPA before start of operation. If the Govt testified that such an Agreement never existed, then they admitted to violating the permits by approving startups without that Agreement. The Court should have hoisted them by their own petard.

Sadly, the whole crux of the matter flies in the face of Guyana’s sovereignty at this time of the nation’s momentous 60th independence anniversary celebration, when Exxon is being enabled by authorities to evade its moral and financial obligation to bear all costs of spill damages occurring from operations earning it $Trillions, while cold bloodedly exposing to financial and environmental ruins, the poverty-stricken country that generously furnishes its wealth. Worse yet, besides dumping billions of barrels of hot, toxic, radioactive and oil laced produced water into our clean ocean, destroying its ecology and millions of fish eggs and fish life, and flaring of billions of cubic feet of toxic produced gas into our pristine air, causing health, acid rain, and climate change problems, Exxon is green-lighted to recklessly produce above the legal safe limits enshrined in the Environmental Impact Assessment, thus enhancing the chances of a spill without any liability coverage by virtue of this ruling. 

With Guyana at its tender age of policy and law making for this critical oil sector, consequential decisions such as this ruling must be informed by the numerous bad lessons learned from other countries. A case in point is the litigation in the British Courts involving Nigerians suing Shell Oil Co. for costs covering oil spills in Nigeria; but, because of the absence of a PCG, Shell’s defence was that the spills occurred under their subsidiary company as their operator, making Shell not liable. Surprise! Surprise!

Also, Repsol which operates in Guyana, was responsible for a small 12,000 barrels oil spill in Peru; and absent tight liability laws, the Government was forced to seize the passports of Repsol’s Executives and sued the company for US $Billions for cleanup and other liabilities, in addition to urgently establishing new laws to protect Peru from recurrences of this kind.

Lastly, it must not go unnoticed that Exxon had willingly agreed to, signed, and honored the PCG language first enshrined in the yellowtail exploration well permit in 2019 and repeated in all of the subsequent permits thereafter; but, only became an issue when the PPPC took office and sided with Exxon to negate it, resulting in the lawsuit by the two patriotic citizens that has brought us to this point.

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592 𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣-𝙏𝙧𝙪𝙩𝙝 , 𝘼𝙘𝙘𝙤𝙪𝙣𝙩𝙖𝙗𝙞𝙡𝙞𝙩𝙮,𝙄𝙣𝙩𝙚𝙜𝙧𝙞𝙩𝙮 𝙄𝙣𝙂𝙪𝙮𝙖𝙣𝙖 𝘼𝙣𝙙 𝘾𝙖𝙧𝙞𝙗𝙗𝙚𝙖𝙣 𝙋𝙚𝙧𝙨𝙥𝙚𝙘𝙩𝙞𝙫𝙚𝙨.— ✦—

Oil Wealth, Flooded Streets: The Reality They Didn’t Sell in Houston

BY: Hem Kumar 

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592 𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣

The cameras in Houston didn’t show this.

While polished presentations and confident promises painted Guyana as the next oil-powered success story, back home the streets told a very different truth—one submerged in floodwater, dysfunction, and neglect.
This is Georgetown today.
Not a once-in-a-century disaster. Not an anomaly. But a recurring reality.

A capital city in a nation now awash with oil wealth—yet still unable to manage something as basic as drainage.
Investors heard about billions in revenue, booming GDP, and “world-class” ambitions. What they weren’t shown is this: দোকান fronts half underwater, streets turned canals, and citizens navigating daily life in conditions that belong to a forgotten era, not an emerging petro-state.

Because the uncomfortable truth is this—Guyana’s development story is becoming dangerously lopsided.
We are building upwards, showcasing glass and concrete, while the ground beneath us—our systems, our infrastructure, our planning—continues to fail.
And no amount of international praise or investor confidence can mask a simple question:
How can a country swimming in oil money still be drowning in rainwater?

This is not just about flooding. It is about priorities. It is about governance. It is about whether the wealth of a nation is being translated into real, lived improvements for its people—or merely into headlines and high-level speeches.
Because if “world-class” is the goal, then reality like this is not just inconvenient—it is disqualifying.

And the longer it is ignored, the more it exposes a truth no investor pitch can hide:
Guyana is not just rising.
In too many places, it is still sinking.

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592 𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣-𝙏𝙧𝙪𝙩𝙝 , 𝘼𝙘𝙘𝙤𝙪𝙣𝙩𝙖𝙗𝙞𝙡𝙞𝙩𝙮,𝙄𝙣𝙩𝙚𝙜𝙧𝙞𝙩𝙮 𝙄𝙣𝙂𝙪𝙮𝙖𝙣𝙖 𝘼𝙣𝙙 𝘾𝙖𝙧𝙞𝙗𝙗𝙚𝙖𝙣 𝙋𝙚𝙧𝙨𝙥𝙚𝙘𝙩𝙞𝙫𝙚𝙨.— ✦—

Theatre at The Hague: Venezuela Rejects the Verdict It Asked For

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592 𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣

Why submit to a court you have already decided to ignore?
Venezuela’s latest performance before the International Court of Justice wasn’t diplomacy — it was theatre. After participating in

proceedings, presenting arguments, and engaging the very machinery of international law, Interim President Delcy Rodriguez has now declared that her country will not accept the Court’s ruling if it affirms that the 1899 Arbitral Award legally settled the Essequibo boundary.


That raises a fundamental question: what was the point?
You do not walk into a courtroom only to announce, in advance, that the judge’s decision is irrelevant. That is not legal engagement — it is strategic posturing.


Rodriguez’s argument attempts to dress defiance in legal language. She claims that any ruling affirming the 1899 Award would somehow invalidate the 1966 Geneva Agreement and broader international law. But this is a contradiction that collapses under its own weight. The Geneva Agreement did not erase the 1899 Award; it created a mechanism to resolve Venezuela’s contention. When that mechanism failed, the matter was lawfully referred to the ICJ — the very process now underway.


Venezuela cannot invoke the Geneva Agreement as both shield and sword — embracing it when convenient, rejecting its logical outcomes when not.
More revealing, however, is the political strategy behind the statement. By declaring in advance that no ruling will be accepted, Caracas is attempting to delegitimize the Court before judgment is even delivered. It is laying the groundwork to ignore an outcome it anticipates will not go in its favour.


That is not a legal argument. It is an admission of expectation.
Rodriguez’s pivot toward “regional mediation” is equally telling. Calls for bilateral talks sound reasonable on the surface, but history shows that such approaches have produced decades of stalemate. The ICJ process exists precisely because those avenues failed. Suggesting a return to them now is less about peace and more about prolonging uncertainty.


And then there is the narrative — the sweeping historical claims, the maps, the emotional appeals about identity and memory. These are not new. They have been repeated for generations, often without substantiated control, governance, or administration over the territory in question. Meanwhile, Guyana’s case rests on documented legal instruments, internationally recognized boundaries, and continuous administration.
You cannot replace legal title with sentiment.


Even more striking is what Rodriguez chose not to say. Gone was the familiar rhetoric about US conspiracies and ExxonMobil plots — a notable shift given Venezuela’s changing geopolitical posture. What remains is a more calculated message: less noise, more positioning.


But beneath the recalibration lies the same core stance — reject the process if it does not deliver the desired outcome.
This is the contradiction Venezuela cannot escape. It wants the legitimacy of international law without the obligation to accept its conclusions.


So again, the question stands:
Why go through the exercise if you already knew — and rejected — the end result?

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592 𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣-𝙏𝙧𝙪𝙩𝙝 , 𝘼𝙘𝙘𝙤𝙪𝙣𝙩𝙖𝙗𝙞𝙡𝙞𝙩𝙮,𝙄𝙣𝙩𝙚𝙜𝙧𝙞𝙩𝙮 𝙄𝙣𝙂𝙪𝙮𝙖𝙣𝙖 𝘼𝙣𝙙 𝘾𝙖𝙧𝙞𝙗𝙗𝙚𝙖𝙣 𝙋𝙚𝙧𝙨𝙥𝙚𝙘𝙩𝙞𝙫𝙚𝙨.— ✦—

Venezuela Renews Essequibo Claim at ICJ, Insists on “Exclusive” Ownership

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592 𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣

The Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela has once again escalated its claim over Guyana’s Essequibo region, with President-in-charge Delcy Rodríguez appearing before the International Court of Justice (ICJ) on Monday to assert what Caracas describes as its “historical rights” to the territory.

Rodríguez argued that Venezuela is the sole legitimate owner of Guayana Essequiba, advancing the government’s long-standing narrative that the controversy must be resolved under the framework of the 1966 Geneva Agreement.
In reaffirming its position, the Bolivarian Government insisted on the “absolute validity” of the Geneva Agreement, continuing to reject the legal weight of the 1899 Arbitral Award that internationally settled the boundary in Guyana’s favour.


The move underscores Venezuela’s ongoing effort to challenge the jurisdiction of the ICJ while simultaneously attempting to reframe the territorial controversy as an unresolved bilateral matter—an approach that stands in direct contrast to Guyana’s reliance on international law and judicial settlement.

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592 𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣-𝙏𝙧𝙪𝙩𝙝 , 𝘼𝙘𝙘𝙤𝙪𝙣𝙩𝙖𝙗𝙞𝙡𝙞𝙩𝙮,𝙄𝙣𝙩𝙚𝙜𝙧𝙞𝙩𝙮 𝙄𝙣𝙂𝙪𝙮𝙖𝙣𝙖 𝘼𝙣𝙙 𝘾𝙖𝙧𝙞𝙗𝙗𝙚𝙖𝙣 𝙋𝙚𝙧𝙨𝙥𝙚𝙘𝙩𝙞𝙫𝙚𝙨.— ✦—

One citizen, one Vice President, five ministers — a whole government at the table. Micromanagement or public service?

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592 𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣

While one citizen receives the full attention of a Vice President and five ministers, the sharper question is this: what value are the rest of us getting for the money that is financing this entire expedition? Public office is not a stage for pageantry. Taxpayers are entitled to ask whether this is genuine service or an expensive exercise in political optics.