President Ali Should Not Stand in His own Defense

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Pres Ali should not stand in his own defense

Pres Ali has had a considerable amount of work to do as a leader. The work of being a defender of his own people. Comrades and ministers who have raised questions, suspicions, condemnations. Lands. Assets. Riches. Lapses leading to what has looked less than righteous. Not quite, not anywhere near, the up and up. How did they come into so many emblems of wealth in such a short space of time? How out of nothing there is so much of so many opulent gems? Those are on the material, the tangible, side. The president has also served as defender-in-chief of those who allegedly erred morally and grievously. Through what led to great emotional stigmas and traumas to the weak and vulnerable of Guyana.

In fact, it would be closer to the wicket, to assert that Excellency Ali appointed himself to the role of serial defender-in-chief for his own. The old me would have said, he arrogated unto himself what did not belong. The old gives way to the new.

Now, Dr. Mohamed Irfaan Ali, master defender, and defender of first call and last resort, for PPP Govt notables, for PPP Govt slippers and tricksters and impostors, has a matter before him that calls for the best of him. He must make a defense. Vast lands. Prized herds. Lavish architecture. Lush arrangements. In his favor, from his first response(s), Pres Ali has identified a line of planks that he insists stand in defense of his holdings.     All fair. All square. All due to the works of fresh air, clean hands. I commend him. I would commend him more if he takes to heart what’s now recommended. For though he must defend himself, he cannot be the sole defender of himself.

First, Pres Ali should consult with his learned and honorable Attorney General, Senior Counsel, Anil Nandlall. His advice should be swift in coming. He who stands as counsel for himself has chosen a fool for counsel. Respectfully inserted into the public record, of course. The president is not on trial. Of that let me be clear. But he cannot stand in the public dock as a trier of his own facts. For the edification of the Guyanese people, I repeat the recommendation made in Demerara Waves on Sunday, July 5 (“Mr. Mohamed asserted; Pres Ali rejected, should do more”). Not an easy call. But what sound judgement and the call of circumstances compel.

Pres Ali has made his initial verbal defenses. Now, he has a duty to follow-up. He must produce his package of corroborating evidence. In all of its slips of paper. In all of its documents and statements from official and commercial sources.                            In the impeccable nature of his estate and ranch story. And in its entirety. Half-measures will not be enough. Half-cocked and half of the story will not suffice. They will fuel more fury, lead to more of the uneasy. For, after all the clamors and curses, this is more than Irfaan Ali on the wire and making the news. This is about the office of the presidency of Guyana.

At a time, when the world is its watching and listening audience. When the world of investors and other interested parties sit around the table as its tribunal.

 Recent history has furnished evidence of Pres Ali developing a veritable cottage industry of his own. Its primary business has been defending his own stumblers. Snatching their feet from consuming fires. Then, massaging them back to some life. It has been a scarred and tainted and odious life. For a secondary servant or a dozen, that may be overlooked. But not for the supreme servant of the people of Guyana in whose hands so must has been placed, so much entrusted.

The short and long, the sweet and sour (and savaging) is that Pres Ali cannot and should not stand in his own defense. In this instance of land and billions, as alleged, such action on his part would be measured as dubious, found wanting. In the circumstances, this whole matter involving what the president has insisted is the result of years of industry and integrity belongs in the domain of open-air inspection and the most thorough dissection.

It is my humble duty to offer this counsel my commander-in-chief.

WAS THAT REALLY NECESSARY? EXCELLENCY ALI

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Was that really necessary? Excellency Ali?

Pres Ali is a disappointment. A bigger and bigger one, sadly. No learning from slippages. Barging ahead, unthinkingly. Blame rests on his advisers, handlers. Their duty is to protect the president. From himself. It was the Fourth. Not an ordinary one. But the soaring, sprawling celebration of 250 years of cherished American liberty. U.S. Ambassador, Excellency Nicole D. Theriot had her say, said it well. On taking the podium, Guyana’s Pres Ali started out on the right foot, then his compass gyrated. A stumbling came. Rather ghastly, I think. Sullying an extraordinary moment. Imperiling to the ambience of more delicate sensibilities. Foreign ones mostly; local ones faded way back.

“In Guyana today, we are accustomed to seeing people walk on examples and still criticize.” Seriously, Excellency? Was that really necessary, Mr. President? Throwing a tantrum, stamping feet, before assembled guests of the ambassador (and Guyana, also). Unseeming, ungracious, and uncouth. Disturbingly so. I try with my president. Efforts to set him on the right path are usually brushed off, mocked. It’s why the people who come from what Guyanese call the ‘outside’ look down their noses on the natives.

Pres Ali may lull himself into thinking that he is excluded from such a put-down. He would be shocked. Foreigners humor him because of Guyana’s oil kingdom. He is a keyholder.

  Aw shucks man it was the 250 th celebration of an honored presence. Therefore, wrong time and wrong place to curse critics. Wrong occasion to banish Guyanese parasites to some specially constructed PPP Govt gulag. What kind of a man, one who should be an example for society, goes into a glittering gathering and growls? Does a man enter a birthday bash, bumps everybody out of the way, and blasts away? To display the bile and acids (maybe stored toxins, I muse) that fester inside of him. It’s a democracy, Brother Ali. Ideals include freedom to think and freedom to speak. Remember, skipper?

The very celebration that the president graced (used guardedly) with his ennobling and enrobed presence stands as a singular testimony. To bold men and women who treasured freedom from the suffocation of a Crown, and did something about it. The King of England could have claimed to be a recipient of the divine right of kings. To rule and to tax. Revolutionary Americans didn’t give a damn about any such self-assigned sacredness (sanctity), refused to prostrate themselves, grovel. Real men, real leaders, rise and roar their resistance in such times.                                          I would appreciate if someone in the government would connect the dots, if wise enough; then, present to Excellency Ali, with my compliments.

Guyana is now an oil power. A country among countries. Though many of its citizens are starving, which the president rejects, Guyana is now the going place. Foreigners are galloping to get here before others. To grab their share of Guyana’s riches. Thus, would be immensely beneficial to this country’s standing, if its head-of-state comports himself like a, well, genuine head-of-state. One overflowing with confidence, and with just the right dash of the debonair. That is, in the stateliest of fashions at all times.

Having delivered his verbal volley, maturity and the decorum of true statesmanship required Pres Ali to call it quits, and immerse himself in the ambassador’s hospitality. Instead, Guyana’s headman chose to deposit another verbal sledge, when he praised the ambassador for working “relentlessly behind cameras, behind the noise, quietly.” Noise, chief! Clearly, the president can’t help himself. His spitefulness (“noise”) must be vented. What point is proved, Dr. President? American ambassadors don’t need applause from Guyanese presidents. They do just what Her Excellency is doing. Carry America’s flag. Sell America’s brand.

I humbly recommend that Pres Ali use that example and order some of his own ambassadors to stop making utter fools of themselves and do some real work. For the record: happy Fourth to Excellency Theriot and the team.

THE BOOK OF JUDGES : REVEALING, RIVETING

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THE 592 Guardian.♦Accountability♦Objectivity ♦Truth                   

The Book of Judges –Revealing, Riveting-July 2026

The Bible is out.  It’s Guyana’s Book of Judges.  What a book, it is.  Like the Bible not referred to, there are good judges and a heap of bad judges.  Life.  Get used to it.  Most of all, there’s a place called Guyana.  Ever heard of it?  Better that didn’t happen.  Spare the senses, help the faculties endure much longer.

I don’t know where Guyanese get their ideas.  The politics got them bad, pushed them overboard

Try these.  First example, whoever said a judge has to be faultless, meaning, infallible, needs an immediate head x-ray.  Even Roman Catholic popes are not infallible.  Notwithstanding old pronouncements to the contrary over a century and a half ago.  If not Vicars of Christ, then it’s clear that expectations are too high for Guyanese judges.  What Guyanese may have in mind for local judges fits the mold of England’s Lord Mansfield and Lord Wilberforce.  Or America’s Oliver Wendell Holmes and Charles Evan Hughes.  They don’t make like them anymore.  Like JOF Haynes and Akbar Khan from right here.  Hence, I recommend that my fellow Guyanese come back down to earth.  Settle for Justice Clarence Thomas.  See how quickly this country is returned to the days of slavery (if it already isn’t).  Think a luminous jurist with the prowess of Justice Clarence Thomas would ever rule against American gladiators and New York Stock Exchange darlings, such as Exxon and Chevron.  Think again.

There’s America.  There’s England.  There is Guyana.  Things are a little peculiar here.  This is PPP Guyana.  The lid just collapsed on everything.  Perverse and profane are the fittest, most proper words.  Who cares about charges?  Since when did that matter to the PPP brain trust?  By the way, it’s a one-brain brain trust?  I am open to challenge, any enlightenment.  On both counts.  In a society where favoritism, cronyism, and nepotism are all at rampant levels, it is fascinating that so many Guyanese are still stuck at who’s related to whom.  Or was.  Take it for granted.  Move on.  The PPP has continuously proved that it’s a legacy entity.  Money passed on.  Assets handed down.  From father to son, mother to daughter, those have all been prominent parts of an enduring kith and kin culture.  Count on critical support from me.  It’s what my position on the appointment of judges with conspicuous political lineage.  None can say they don’t know where I stand.

Convictions, relations, connections, all are part of the same closed and intricate PPP spider’s web.  Outsiders are out.  Logically, where else can they be, since out is out?  I am bewildered.  Not blue; at least, not yet.  Guyanese just must manage themselves in a more responsible manner.  Old judges, recent judges, new judges, and temporary judges, what do citizens expect when they study these people?  I hope it’s not the voice of god from heaven gushing from them, man or woman. 

Where he or she is pronouncing about the last days and Judgement Day.  Or, taking a step lower, as fountains of wisdom, graced by traces of celestial intellect. In other words, the presence of those who brook neither interference nor resistance.  No questioning, objecting, differing.  Thus, I have spoken.  Thus, it shall be.  Adjudicated.  Over.

Sorry to deflate anyone’s balloon, help them return from space.  Judges are regular human beings.  A few are brighter and hardworking.  Quite a few are dumber than barbells and lazy as hell.  Judges partake of the fare of the dining room.  They visit the bathroom and read newspapers.  What they do with the latter when in the former, that’s not my business.  I must say, though, that the PPP has the business of the judiciary where it wants it.  From Judicial Service Commission to judicial service selections, everything is under control.  My hang-ups are straightforward.  If this is the grass, then what does that say about the weeds.  Those aspiring judges that didn’t make the cut. If these are Guyana’s best then this country had better start praying. 

My conviction.  My conclusion.

2026 MID-YEAR REPORT

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2026 Midyear Report –Pt II

A new year. The beginning of a second consecutive term. It was hailed as the dawning of a new era. Supposedly, that third rail in politics that electrifies towards glorious leadership and governance deeds. In surveying the landscape, there are indications of what will be going forward.

A big, boisterous national budget. One bawdier than past blasts. Just bursting with dollars: $1.5 trillion plus. A million in today’s PPP

Guyana is now ‘keep-the-change’ money. Perhaps, one tennis roll that doesn’t have to be taken on ‘trust’. Credit

 At the rate that these national budgets are spiraling, with a trillion comfortably scaled, a billion could soon go the way of a million. That is, small change and fine bangamary money.
Is Guyana heading the way of World War I Germany? Despite all the government’s comforting talk of inflation under control? Guyanese poor don’t know about inflation. They know starvation. Another big budget lauded. But there’s that dark side of Oil Guyana that the oil-enriched PPP Govt shuns talking about. Amidst ballooning daily oil production, there’s the darkness of deep, widespread destitution.

The government and its paid cheerleaders (private sector compensated differently) were ecstatic with the record-breaking budget in February. Four months later, it was time to ask for what poor workers call a ‘raise’, some overtime help, that li’l extra. Officially, Guyanese savor impressive, innocent sounding names: Financial Paper and Supplementary Budget. An anemic needs a supplement, that boost to shake off the lethargy to get him going. However tentatively.
Four months after the big party held a bigger party over Guyana’s biggest budget (yet), it was in need of the energy from a $55 billion supplement. A real supplement, or a PPP Govt on destructive steroids? Whatever it was or is, the supplements (budgets) will have to keep coming.

In the first half of 2026, the PPP Govt boasted about Guyana’s towering, inspiring democracy. The Americans, British, Canadians, and Europeans had to huff and puff to get parliament reconvened. Speaker Manzoor Nadir couldn’t find the keys, or his nerves. Minister Gail Texeira couldn’t find her voice or feet; couldn’t find in time the right lines in her script.

The PPP’s Dr. Cheddi Jagan had developed a cottage industry around walking out of parliament. Today’s Jagan’s PPP descendants have created an industry of stopping Guyanese elected from walking into parliament

From Down with America! it is Thank God for America. And BC& E, of course. The claim is that Guyana’s self-sufficient. Oil. The reality is that Guyana under the yoke of the PPP is self-destructive.

Some youngster, reportedly closely linked to PPP royalty, allegedly damaged property belonging to Guyanese. The palace turned off the lights, went quiet. The police followed suit. Into this vacuum, stepped Pres Ali, after donning his now well-worn Minister of Defense robes to deliver the protective: why the noise? There’s no issue.                                                          Responsible people, mature parenting, and sober judgment are at work. Pres Ali is better off being a pope. One who could see the devil, then forget and forgive the details.
If this is rule of law and respect for law and order, I’m better off with the subcontinent’s Modi or North Korea’s Kim. Guyanese would be, too. Anil Nandlall should share insights on this chapter of rule of law, and his president’s practice of it, in his next Facebook trash talking session.

Right next door, Venezuelans closed out the first half of 2026 in tragic, wrenching despair, when a series of devastating earthquakes struck. Guyanese rightly extended words of harmony and humanity.
I do the same for my fellow Guyanese living right here. They live with daily political and environmental earthquakes that rock them, then ravage them. A piteous presidency. A putrid set of political hustlers and scavengers.
After each local earthquake, the PPP sniffs around to see what more it can grab for itself. The good news is that the first half is over; the past is past. The bad news is that there are six months left. Therein lie opportunities for many more tragedies and exploitations of regular Guyanese.

One last thing: to my fellow American and their fellow travelers: a joyous Fourth.

2026 1st HALF, LEADERSHIP. GOVERNANCE

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 THE 592 GUARDIAN. GOVERNANCE♦ACCOUNTABILITY

2026 1st Half: Leadership, Governance

The first half of 2026 is over.  It’s really 10 months, a few days shorted.  I’m counting that Guyana’s New Era began with Pres Ali’s second inaugural.  Did he do better?  Did governance in Guyana climb out of its hole?  If so, was there a first step forward or many backwards?  

Or, given governance and leadership characters, did Guyanese get the wayward?  The sideways culture now normalized?

 Prime Minister Mark Anthony Phillips once a soldier, is now a political guerilla fighter.  More for party, less about country.  With that handle, Mark Anthony, he could be a Roman orator or a Puerto Rican singer.  Not he.  Let it be: a proud, honorable Guyanese.  Salutations, Marshall.  Not fire, think field.  PM Mark Anthony stood in Guyana’s equivalent of the Roman Forum, and perorated.  Stabroek News will be taken care of soon.  A man truer to his word there never was.  Stabroek News was taken care of, the PPP and Mark Phillips way: it died and was buried.  No resurrection.  

There’s regard for men of honor.  Leadership and governance, Guyana style, the PPP wiles.  I like.

 Another leader, one given to the garrulous and grandiose, is Guyana’s Master Governor.  Whoever never heard of Excellency Ali is a failed AI experiment.  In 2020, six years ago, not six months (or ten), Master Governor Ali swore to transparency and accountability.  For Guyanese to get access to information, they have to get valid passport, FBI clearance, U.S. visa, and a red shirt.  Naysayers, critics, and parasites are excluded.  No matter what they have.  Or what the law says.  Pres Ali in fits of the fanciful said that’s not his cup of tea.  British teaching.  Like Pontius Pilate, Irfaan Ali washed his hands clean of the vulgar access to info affair.  It’s Guyana’s Profumo Affair.  It’s Leadership 601.  Taught in the schools of Mao Zedong, Indira Gandhi, Narendra Modi, DJ Trump, and Benjamin Netanyahu.  Guyana’s Ali learned well.

Incidentally, he swore to unity in 2020.  One Guyana still birthed.  IDPADA-G almost died.  The people at Mocha got sanitized.  Some losing folks get a basketball.  Others got shot.  Seems a funny kind of unity, to me.

In September 2025 (Inaugural Palaver II), he promised an anti-corruption czar.  The people at Office of the President, Freedom House, and major procurement outfits had serious cases of diarrhea.  Their world almost ended.  Wiser heads prevailed.                                                                Chatter about anticorruption czar disappeared.  And, it’s only midyear.  See, why like PM Mark Anthony, there’s such regard for HE Ali!  PM Mark Anthony and Office of the Prime Minister are still in this gospel.  They also had a fit when Excellency Ali swore to go after peddlers of misinformation and disinformation.  Somebody gave him Confucius’ masterpiece: the hardest, the longest, journey begins with the first step.  Dr. Ali has been treating himself for cramps, since September 2025. 

Misinformation and disinformation, he discovered belatedly (or cleverly) is a PPP Govt monopolized, subsidized, and oversized business. 

 Bigger than Exxon.  Have concerns about Silica City?  Roll them, then smoke them.  Need to know how all the oil money was spent?  AK Singh has a machinegun called “national development priorities.”  A load of buckshot mixed with bull-s*** sprayed on Guyanese.  Who to watch more: Venezuelans with AK-47s or AK Singh with his scholarly arsenals?  This is leadership.  This is governance.

Vice President Bharrat Jagdeo took a sabbatical post September 2025.  It was his own 9/11 great escape.  Reimages himself as Steve McQueen.  Who to put for 2030?  Policymaker or kingmaker?  Queenmaker isn’t a stretch.  Spoke of resuming his press conferences.  His handlers whispered: not the greatest idea.  PPP dirty laundry all hung out to dry.  Don’t make self a spectacle to deliver cheap shots.  The White people are appalled, shrink in disbelief (disgust also).  They have weight.  They count.  Cease and desist with all the carrying on and disgracing party, Cheddi, and the Yanquis.  Decency reigned; 2030 strategy priority took over.  Anil Nandlall couldn’t feature.  Not after the CCJ extradition embarrassment.  Though partially redeeming himself at the ICJ.  

Fellow Guyanese -the book on 2026, its midpoint.  Great news!  The second half looks identical.

MINISTER INDAR ECSTATIC MANIFESTATIONS

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THE 592 GUARDIAN♦ ACCOUNTABILITY JOURNALISM

Minister Indar’s Ecstatic Manifestations

Minister Indar unwittingly got himself into a fine pickle.  In talking about negotiations with the Turkish electricity barge executives, he ventured into the realm of incomprehensible ecstatic manifestations. 

Our government led by President Ali, we made sure that we took some strong positions on negotiation.”

I am awed by unrestrained merriment that took hold of the honorable minister.  Apparently, Minister Indar is more the Minister of Public Comedies than he is as Minister of Public Utilities.  I humbly petition Excellency Ali to do his duty.  Make it official, please, Mr. President: Reappoint Deodat Indar to the Minister of National Hilarity portfolio.

When has our government led by Pres Ali…made sure that we took some strong positions on negotiation             

Because it is my government and my president, I search for such a record, hold both accountable.  To my fellow Guyanese: Seen as many Cuban medical personnel recently?  Check in Havana or Guantanamo. 

And there stands the government’s self-celebrating position of taking

The PPP Govt, as led by Pres Ali, took a strong position on deportees.  Not those who hailed from Demerara, Berbice and, (yes) Essequibo.  But those from far and farther away.  But then not even those that the government would be proud to invite to dinner at State House.  If the PPP wouldn’t welcome them at Congress, then they shouldn’t be in this country.  Game over.  Except that this isn’t a game. 

Hence, when Marco Rubio came sailing here like Christopher Columbus on his new voyage of discovery, he should have been given a return ticket there and then.  Take that message about third country deportees, and stuff it, buster.  How about that for taking a strong position on negotiation.  Gimme some Cubans doctors, and Guyana is duty bound to take in some Guyanese deportees.The U.S. milked them in their prime.  The U.S. must drink them in their grime and brine.

The Canadian gold people came here.  They put in a dollar and get an acre.  Thousands of acres.  From the small dollars invested, they swap out, flip over, and switch around those same now rich gold acres to new parties.  A million for a hundred more.  Sweet odds, lavish returns.  What strong position the PPP Govt, as led by Excellency Ali?  It happened once -nothing.  It happened again – no reaction from the Ali-led PPP Govt (again).  Some kind of special position and exceptional negotiation is that, from Minister Indar.  The foreign gold people pulled that one once.  Therefore, it made perfect financial sense (and leadership ones, too) to take a truly strong position and put a stopper in that loophole.  The situation cried out for that form of justice.  Like the blood of Abel cried out for recompense when the hand of a brother was raised fatally.  It was against what taints, even tampers, with the fabric of friendship.  What ought to have been a strong position taken (as led by Pres Ali) for a respectful relationship between Guyana and investors who rush here to grab a load of free gold.

I regret that in extoling the PPP Govt’s virtues: strong positions and the leadership of Dr. Ali, re negotiations, Minister Indar gave short thrift to history, and delighted himself with comedy.                                                                                                            Surely, he has to know that when he gleams with words like those that he descends into the old, soggy territory: what’s recklessly merry, of rank hilarity.  I think that Minister Indar has a second career waiting.  A master jester.  Hailed for making his mark as a determined, but still unskilled, entertainer.                         The PPP Govt seems to spawn them by the hundreds every week it’s in office.

THE 592 GUARDIAN♦ACCOUNTABILITY JOURNALISM 

THE CONSENT VACUUM:How Guyana is Dismantling Indeginous Land Rights

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THE 592GUARDIAN♦Accountability Journalism forPublic Interest  EDITORIAL

The Consent Vacuum: How Guyana Is Dismantling Indigenous Land Rights One Mining Permit at a Time

Chinese Landing is not an isolated failure. It is the template.

 | The 592 Guardian Editorial Board | June 2026

The government of Guyana has done something remarkable in Chinese Landing, Region 1. It has managed to simultaneously insist that mining restrictions remain “in effect” while actively endorsing the operations of the outside tenure holders those restrictions were meant to constrain. Minister of Natural Resources Vickram Bharrat offered this contradiction without apparent discomfort to Kaieteur News on June 28, 2026, and the Ali administration has made no effort to reconcile it.

This is not semantic confusion. It is policy. And it represents one of the most consequential accountability failures in Guyana’s accelerating petrostate transition: the systematic hollowing of the legal architecture that was supposed to protect Indigenous land rights as extraction expands.

“The villagers are the true, lawful tenure holders of the area by virtue of being the absolute owners of the titled lands.” — Chinese Landing Village Council, June 2026

I.THE STRUCTURE OF THE BETRAYAL

The facts at Chinese Landing are not in dispute, except by the government that is facilitating the breach. The Chinese Landing Carib community holds titled land under Guyana’s Amerindian Act. Section 48 of that Act is explicit: no external miner may operate within titled Indigenous territory without a formal agreement with the resident Village Council. That is not a guideline. It is a statutory precondition.

The Chinese Landing Village Council has confirmed that no such agreement exists. No operators presented themselves to the council. No formal consultation was conducted. The Toshao, Nikita Miller, has confirmed that current operations are active and that the persons managing the worksites — Stephen Vieira, acting under power of attorney for Wayne Vieira — sought signatures from individual residents at the Tassawini airstrip for a proposed labour agreement, bypassing the legally mandated party entirely.

Nine residents and two non-residents reportedly signed. The Village Council — the only body with statutory authority to enter such an agreement — was not involved. Under any reading of Section 48, this means current operations at Chinese Landing are conducted without lawful consent. The Minister’s claim that “legitimate tenure holders” are operating lawfully is a legal fiction built on the deliberate confusion of state-issued mining permits with the community consent those permits do not and cannot replace.

II.THE CCJ RULING AND THE GAP THAT WAS NEVER CLOSED

The government’s position rests on a misreading — or a deliberate misrepresentation — of the Caribbean Court of Justice’s ruling in the Wayne Vieira matter. In 2010, a GGMC officer issued a Cease Work Order against Vieira for operating without a village agreement. The CCJ ultimately struck down that order. The government reads this as validation of Vieira’s underlying mining operations.

That reading is false. The CCJ’s ruling turned on narrow jurisdictional grounds: the Mining Act empowers the Minister to craft regulations tied to that Act, but does not authorise GGMC officers to enforce the separate provisions of the Amerindian Act through Cease Work Orders. The court did not validate Vieira’s permits. It did not extinguish the community’s titled rights. It found, precisely and only, that the enforcement mechanism used was ultra vires.

What the CCJ actually produced was a legal gap: Guyana’s primary mining regulator has no statutory mechanism to enforce Indigenous consent requirements.

That gap has been sitting in plain view since that ruling. The Ali administration — which has had years and a petrostate revenue windfall to address it — has legislatively done nothing. The gap is not an oversight. It is an operational feature.

The CCJ did not validate Vieira’s mining. It exposed a gap. That gap has never been closed. It is now being exploited daily.

III.THE IACHR RECORD AND THE PATTERN OF TARGETED AGGRESSION

Chinese Landing is not new to international human rights scrutiny. The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights previously issued precautionary measures for the community, citing a “serious and urgent risk” of irreparable harm. The IACHR documented a pattern of targeted aggression: a 2018 incident in which a local family was allegedly expelled from their home by mine security and the police Tactical Services Unit; multiple accounts of residents subjected to searches at gunpoint.

These measures were issued because ordinary domestic remedies had failed. The community’s land rights had not been adjudicated on their substantive merits. The Court of Appeal has yet to issue a ruling on the community’s underlying claims. Chinese Landing residents have been excluded from past legal proceedings between the GGMC and external miners, leaving their rights unrepresented in proceedings that directly affected their land.

The IACHR’s precautionary measures carry legal weight under international human rights law. The government of Guyana has an obligation to respond to them. The 592 Guardian is not aware of any substantive government action to implement those measures or report compliance to the Commission. This editorial demands that the Ministry of Legal Affairs and the Office of the Attorney General publicly disclose their current posture on Guyana’s IACHR obligations in the Chinese Landing matter.

IV.THE PATTERN: CHINESE LANDING AS TEMPLATE

This editorial treats Chinese Landing not as an isolated case but as the current iteration of a structural pattern this Board has documented across Guyana’s extractive sector.                                The pattern is consistent: state-issued instruments — mining permits, environmental clearances, sole-source contracts — are used to confer apparent legitimacy on operations that bypass mandatory consent, regulatory oversight, or both

When legal challenges arise, the enforcement gap is invoked. When international scrutiny arrives, the government issues process statements that obscure the substantive breach.

The GGMC’s nine-year audit backlog, documented in the 2024 Auditor General’s report and reported by this Board, is not unrelated to Chinese Landing. An agency that cannot produce audited financial statements cannot credibly regulate consent compliance in remote interior communities. The PAC’s stalled oversight function, the Parliamentary Sectoral Committee on Economic Services’ reduced meeting schedule — these institutional failures do not occur in isolation from Chinese Landing. They are the environment in which Chinese Landing is made possible.

The EKAA HRIM quarry case in Region Seven — passport confiscation, debt bondage, a worker death, no criminal charges — follows the same structural logic: an extraction operation that bypassed labour and consent protections, proceeded under state-issued instruments, and faced no meaningful regulatory consequence. The 592 Guardian filed a formal ILO dossier on that matter. We note that the same enforcement vacuum that enabled EKAA HRIM is the enforcement vacuum that Minister Bharrat is now defending in Chinese Landing.

The extraction pace is blazing. The implementation and enforcement lag is not accidental. It is the policy.

 

V.WHAT MINISTER BHARRAT SAID AND WHAT IT MEANS

Minister Bharrat’s statement to Kaieteur News warrants close legal analysis. He said: “Restrictions for mining in Chinese Landing, outside of legitimate tenure holdings, continue to be in effect.” This formulation does two things simultaneously. First, it acknowledges that restrictions exist — conceding that not all external mining at Chinese Landing is permissible. Second, it carves out “legitimate tenure holdings” as exempt from those restrictions.

But the Amerindian Act does not create a carve-out for tenure holders. Section 48 applies to all external operators regardless of their tenure status. A GGMC-issued permit is not a substitute for the community consent the Act requires. The Minister’s formulation, if it reflects actual government policy, constitutes an executive interpretation of the Amerindian Act that is without statutory basis. It is the kind of interpretation that, if applied consistently, would render Section 48 a dead letter throughout titled Indigenous territories wherever a state-issued tenure exists.

The Minister further asserted that “community members have been receptive.” The Village Council flatly denies this. The Toshao flatly denies this. The broader community, per the council, remains deeply opposed. This Board notes that the government’s claim of community receptiveness is unsubstantiated, contradicted by the titled owners’ elected leadership, and structurally consistent with the government’s practice of identifying sympathetic individuals within Indigenous communities to produce the appearance of consent without its substance.

VI.ACCOUNTABILITY DEMANDS

To Minister Vickram Bharrat:                                                  →Produce the legal opinion on which the government relies to characterise the Vieira operations as lawful under the Amerindian Act, Section 48.                                                        →Identify by name the “community members” whose receptiveness you cited. Explain whether the government considers an individual signature obtained at an airstrip to constitute compliance with the formal agreement requirement under Section 48.

To the Guyana Geology and Mines Commission:               →Disclose whether any formal notification was made to the GGMC that operations had resumed at Chinese Landing. Identify what enforcement mechanism, if any, exists for GGMC to act if the Village Council files a complaint. Produce the current status of Wayne Vieira’s tenure holdings and any conditions attached to those tenures.

To the National Toshaos Council:                                                  →This matter involves a titled community, a statutory consent requirement, active extraction without council approval, and a government minister publicly dismissing the community’s legal position. The NTC has a mandate to advocate for Indigenous land rights nationally. This Board demands a public statement on the Chinese Landing situation and a formal legal position on the government’s interpretation of Section 48.

To the Court of Appeal:                                                                            →The community’s substantive land claims remain undecided. Active, contested extraction is proceeding daily in the interim. This Board formally calls attention to the urgency of this matter and the real-world harm being inflicted during the pendency of proceedings.

To the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights:          →The government of Guyana has not, to this Board’s knowledge, provided a substantive compliance report on its obligations under the precautionary measures issued for Chinese Landing. Extraction has resumed. The community remains exposed. We call on the Commission to formally request a compliance update and to treat resumed extraction as a material change in circumstances.

VII. CLOSING: THE NOVEMBER ASSURANCE

As recently as November 2025 — seven months before Minister Bharrat’s statement to Kaieteur News — the government gave the Chinese Landing community assurances that mining restrictions would remain firmly in place. The community accepted those assurances. They were made by a government that knew, or should have known, that tenure holders it was already supporting were preparing to resume operations.

The reversal was not disclosed proactively. It was confirmed reactively, when Kaieteur News asked. The Village Council learned of the government’s changed position through press coverage, not through any formal notification from the Ministry of Natural Resources or any other state body.

This is the governance culture that Guyana’s oil boom has entrenched: assurances without enforcement, restrictions without mechanisms, consent claimed from individuals while the legally mandated collective body is bypassed. Chinese Landing’s titled Carib community did not lose their land rights through a court order. They are losing them through a process of institutional erosion — a budget here, a legislative gap there, a minister’s word that means less every time it is given.

The 592 Guardian will continue to report on this matter. We are requesting from the Ministry of Natural Resources, the GGMC, and the Office of the Attorney General all communications related to Chinese Landing mining operations since January 2025.  

The Editorial Board—The 592 Guardian

 

ILLNESS AND DEATH,THEN MORE SICKNESS, DEATH-LIKE STATES

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THE 592 GUARDIAN♦ ACCOUNTABILITY JOURNALISM♦JUNE 2026                                                                                  ILLNESS AND DEATH, THEN MORE SICKNESS, DEATHLIKE STATE

I met Mr. Don Singh just once. Stopped and shared a few minutes in pleasant conversation. Whatever his politics, my impression was of a decent fellow. When the news of his sudden illness came, it was a surprise. Now that he has left these shores, may his soul rest in peace. To his biological family, my condolences on what has to be a hard loss. To his political family, regrets at losing a formidable worker. And, to my regret, whenever I make the mistake of thinking that things can’t get worse in this country, sink to more depraved depths, they do.

I struggle to understand how some can find joy in a man’s illness. A political man, a prince of a man, poor man, or a man who may have made himself, or be seen as, an enemy, it does not matter. There is ugly and there is ugly. To chortle privately on receiving the news of sickness is bad enough. To celebrate sickness in the vast public space of social media is degrading to an unfathomably dreadful level. It’s a sickness of a terrible kind by itself. Guyanese have really sunk to the bottom of a bottomless pit. When the savaging politics of this land of barbarians takes precedence over basic humanity, and day-to-day decency. I don’t care who is involved, so I say it now, and will say it forever. Whoever finds laughter, a time to engage in mockery, and an opportunity to kick a man, during a time of serious illness, that is one sick puppy. Sick in the head. Sick to the soul. And so sick and so callously indifferent that may have already died.

It is at times like these that I am glad to hold what is for me a prized outsider status.

Not trapped and warped by the prejudices that power local politics. Not condemned to the garbage dumpsite where ancient political grudges fester and flourish. There is so much hating, the call to forgiving may now be forever lost.

Guyanese are ghosts inside a skeleton that is overloaded and overflowing with a stream of poisons that find escape and the worst expressions when there is a human tragedy. Who is so base they see an enemy during those painful moments of loss and human catastrophe? I cast my eyes across to Venezuela and devastating earthquakes of this and that magnitude, and a full body shiver runs amok. Guyanese are so fortunate when the licks and kicks of providence were allocated. Perhaps that explains why the people of this country are so cursed. By the irresistible pull of their politics hurling them towards all that they have come to know: gutter reactions. Such was what stalked the news of Mr. Don Singh’s illness.

Now that he is gone to his creator, there was a moment for many of the social media warriors to regroup and recollect themselves. Having had a good laugh at sickness, the news of the man’s death was a line not to be crossed. Except that it was. The unbreachable breached. Treating self with profanity and vulgarity amid threnodies of grieving. Guyanese do wear their disgrace on their sleeves. All self-respect hollowed out and proudly displayed on the altar of political frenzies that burn at higher and higher pitches.

Seeing that sickness and death are causes for ostentatious displays of ignorance, it is no wonder that living has become such a corrosive burden in this divided, raucous, self-defeating society.

I behold Guyanese, who are committed to tearing apart and bringing down each other. It is all in the name of the wrenching and divisive politics that have haunted this land, in times of peace and relative quiet. Thus, I cringe in thinking of how citizens may be to fellow citizens in times that are hostile and more hateful. Often, I am glad that, though many a thought is shared in public spaces, there is still rebuffing getting any closer. The armor that protects. The safety net that upholds sanity.

May the soul of this brother, Don Singh, find eternal rest.

THE ARSONIST AT THE TABLE

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THE 592 GUARDIAN♦ EDITORIAL♦ENVIORMENTAL ACCOUNTABILITY

THE ARSONISTS AT THE NEGOTIATING TABLE

How the fossil fuel industry captured the world’s climate process — and what it means for everyone paying the price

I. The Heat Is Not Hypothetical Anymore
From late May 2026 onwards, Europe was struck by severe heatwaves that broke records in Belgium, France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, the Netherlands, Spain, and the United Kingdom — with temperatures running 10 to 15 degrees Celsius above normal, causing deaths and arriving earlier than Central European summers have historically begun.
World Weather Attribution scientists found that fossil fuel-driven climate change made this heatwave the most severe and widespread in Europe’s recorded history. 
Spring 2026 was the hottest spring ever recorded in France since measurements began in 1900. In the United States, March 2026 was the warmest March on record for the contiguous 48 states.  These are not anomalies. They are trajectory.

The human cost compounds silently. A 2025 European analysis estimated nearly 63,000 heat-related deaths in Europe in 2024 alone. Heat-related deaths among older people have risen sharply according to the Lancet Countdown, and hundreds of thousands now die globally each year from heat. The United Nations Environment Programme reports that heat-related deaths among adults aged 65 and above have surged by an estimated 85% since the 1990s.                                                                   

This is what manufactured delay costs. Not in abstractions — in bodies

II. What Manufactured Delay Looks Like

The fossil fuel industry has not simply lobbied governments. It has embedded itself inside the very process designed to contain it.
Between 2021 and 2024, a minimum of 5,368 fossil fuel lobbyists attended UN climate talks, representing 859 different fossil fuel organisations, including 180 oil and gas corporations. Just 90 of those corporations produced nearly 60% of global oil and gas output in 2024 alone. 
At COP29 in Baku, more than 1,770 lobbyists — including the heads of major corporations — were granted access, many as guests of the host country Azerbaijan. Their numbers dwarfed almost every country delegation and threatened to drown out the voices of Global South nations, Indigenous peoples, youth, and those who disproportionately bear the brunt of climate impacts. 
ExxonMobil alone sent as many delegates to COP29 as Guyana — a country at imminent risk from rising seas and one where ExxonMobil itself is engaged in offshore oil extraction projects. 

The symmetry is not coincidental; it is structural.

At COP30 in Belém, approximately 599 lobbyists gained access through Party overflow badges that give behind-the-scenes access to the inner workings of negotiations. Major trade associations remained a primary vehicle for influence, with the International Emissions Trading Association bringing 60 representatives, including delegates from ExxonMobil, BP, and TotalEnergies.

As one physician put it bluntly: “When 5,000 fossil fuel lobbyists are allowed to influence our nations’ policies, these are no longer negotiations. It’s an industry convention.

III. The Process Has No Immune System
The structural problem is not just the lobbyists. It is that the UNFCCC process was never designed to defend itself against them.
The UN climate process still lacks a formal conflict of interest policy governing fossil fuel participation.  There is no rule barring a coal executive from sitting in a Party delegation. There is no requirement that participants disclose their financial relationships with polluting industries beyond basic organisational affiliation. Proposals to address this — requiring the exclusion of fossil fuel lobbies from state delegations and mandating full public disclosure of affiliations — have been urged but not adopted.
The June 2026 climate negotiations in Bonn closed amid growing concern over the ability of the UN climate process to deliver action at the required scale, with governments failing to make meaningful progress and in some cases pushing back on already established agreements. 
Decision-making rules allow a small number of states to block progress; representatives from climate-vulnerable communities continue to face obstacles to participation; and the absence of robust safeguards against corporate influence remains unaddressed. 
Meanwhile, the UN climate agency and the UK Met Office project a 75% chance that average global temperatures between 2026 and 2030 will exceed 1.5 degrees Celsius above pre-industrial levels — the very threshold the Paris Agreement was built to defend.

IV. The COP31 Test


COP31 convenes in Antalya, Türkiye in November 2026 under an unusual co-presidency between Türkiye and Australia, marking what is intended to be a critical transition from negotiation to implementation following the mandates of the Global Stocktake. 
The architecture of previous COPs has created real building blocks. COP30 produced a Global Implementation Accelerator, a Just Transition Mechanism, a climate finance work programme, and Presidency-led roadmaps on forests and transitioning away from fossil fuels. But as analysts observe, COP31 will need to move from frameworks to delivery — and that transition cannot happen while the actors most invested in preventing it are seated at the table.

The co-presidency must publish full team lists, disclose all funding and partnerships, adopt strict conflict-of-interest rules barring sponsorships or consultancies tied to fossil fuel or other high-polluting industries, and release summaries of meetings with external stakeholders.                                       

These are not radical demands; they are basic safeguards that would strengthen legitimacy and set a higher standard for future summits.

 The geopolitical context makes this more urgent, not less. The start of 2026 has demonstrated again how dependence on fossil fuels is closely linked to geopolitical instability — from US energy diplomacy to the disruption of the Strait of Hormuz — and how fossil fuel dependency remains a structural source of instability for energy systems and national economies. 

V. The Deeper Indictment
There is a phrase that deserves to be retired: “the energy transition.” It implies an orderly technical process, as though the world is simply upgrading its infrastructure. What is actually happening is a political confrontation between industries whose survival depends on continued extraction and a planetary system that cannot absorb it.
Over three-quarters of the world’s population lives in countries that are net importers of fossil fuels. High energy prices push up food costs. Inflation fuels political instability. Debt burdens deepen. The fossil fuel crisis has become a development crisis. 
The Caribbean, the Pacific, the Global South broadly — these are not bystanders to a crisis playing out elsewhere. They are its most concentrated victims. When fossil fuel lobbyists overwhelm the delegations of the most vulnerable nations in the negotiating rooms of Baku, Belém, and soon Antalya, they are not merely influencing trade policy. They are, in the most literal sense, determining the survivability of communities that did not cause the crisis.
This is what accountability journalism must name clearly: the delay is not failure. It is outcome. An industry that has operated with impunity inside the process designed to constrain it has extracted exactly what it came for — time.
COP31 is not another chance. It may be among the last ones that matter.

The 592 Guardian holds that verified facts must be stated as facts. The data cited here is publicly available, peer-reviewed, or sourced from credible intergovernmental bodies. The editorial position is our own.

THE GUIANA SHIELD IS BEING REORGANIZED

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 The 592 GUARDIAN♦EDITORIAL♦ENVIORMENTAL ACCOUNTABILITY

The Guiana Shield Is Being Reorganised — And Guyana Is Watching From the Sidelines    What is happening in Venezuela’s mining belt is not Venezuela’s problem alone– JUNE 2026

The arrest of Nicolás Maduro by American special forces in January 2026 was treated in Guyana largely as a geopolitical curiosity — the end of a neighbourhood nuisance, perhaps even a quiet relief given the years of Essequibo belligerence his government sponsored. That reading was dangerously shallow. What has unfolded since in Venezuela’s Bolívar state is not the tidying up of a failed state. It is the reorganisation of the Guiana Shield — the same ancient geological formation that underlies Guyana’s gold and uranium frontier — under American strategic and commercial direction. Guyana is not a spectator to this process. It is a participant whether it chooses to be or not.

 On June 8th, army helicopters swept into Las Claritas, Venezuela’s ground zero for illegal gold mining in Bolívar state. Thousands of freelance prospectors fled. Days later, the United States launched an air strike killing Héctor “Niño” Guerrero Flores, the boss of the Tren de Aragua crime group. President Trump announced the operation was “co-ordinated closely with our friends in Venezuela.” Within weeks, Western mining executives were on the ground at El Callao, one of Venezuela’s most famous gold complexes. In April, Venezuela’s National Assembly had already passed a mining-reform bill cutting royalties, prolonging concessions and allowing international arbitration of disputes. 

The message was unambiguous: the Orinoco Mining Arc, a Portugal-sized stretch of rainforest and mineral wealth that Chávez nationalised and Maduro surrendered to criminal syndicates, is now open for Western business under American military cover.

 This should command the full attention of every Guyanese citizen who has followed this news—outlet coverage of the GGMC’s nine-year audit backlog, the U92 Energy Corp. uranium play at Kurupung, the G2 Goldfields/GMIN merger and Guyana’s failure to enforce change-of-control provisions, and the gold laundering vectors through the Guiana Shield into Brazil and beyond. 

 What The Economist describes from the Venezuelan side of the Shield is the mirror image of what we have been documenting from the Guyanese side: the same unregulated extractive frontier, the same absent regulatory infrastructure, the same criminal networks, the same geological wealth being approached without the governance architecture to manage it responsibly.

 The Shield Does Not Recognise Our Border

 The Guiana Shield is one of the oldest geological formations on Earth, stretching across Venezuela, Guyana, Suriname, French Guiana and northern Brazil. It holds some of the world’s most significant deposits of gold, diamonds, bauxite and — as the Kurupung case makes plain — uranium. The criminal networks that have exploited it do not organise themselves around the borders drawn by colonial cartographers. Tren de Aragua, whose leadership the Americans just eliminated in Las Claritas, has been documented operating across the Shield. The FARC dissidents and the National Liberation Army, whom The Economist identifies as still active in Venezuela’s mining belt despite the American air strikes, are not going to demobilise. They are, as one Venezuelan mining industry source told the magazine plainly, going to move. “If you clean up one area, they are going to move somewhere else. It’s that simple.”

 Where do they move? Deeper into national parks, says The Economist. Venezuela’s Imataca and Canaima national parks border Guyana. The Pakaraima mountains straddle the frontier. The same jungle that conceals illegal mining operations at Mazoa Hill and along the Cuyuni river system on the Guyanese side connects without interruption to the zone the Americans are now attempting to clear on the Venezuelan side. The displacement of criminal mining networks from Bolívar state is not a solution to the problem of unregulated extraction on the Guiana Shield. 

It is a pressure valve that will push those networks toward the path of least resistance. Guyana needs to be asking right now whether it is that path.

 The Regulatory Vacuum Is the Real Security Risk

 The government of Guyana will point to the Guyana Gold Board, the GGMC, the Environmental Protection Agency and the various bilateral security arrangements with the United States as evidence that the country is not defenceless. These institutions exist. The question this newspaper has been asking for months — and which events in Venezuela now make urgent — is whether they function adequately for the moment we are in.

The GGMC has not produced audited financial statements in nine years. That is not a bureaucratic inconvenience. In a context where criminal networks are being actively displaced from one part of the Guiana Shield toward another, it means that Guyana’s primary regulatory body for gold and mineral extraction cannot account for what has been extracted, by whom, under what conditions, and where it went. The Mazoa Hill controversy and the Cataratas vector we have previously documented are not isolated incidents. They are evidence of a structural gap between the extractive activity occurring on 

 Guyana’s territory and the state’s capacity to govern it.

 The G2 Goldfields/GMIN merger is a related symptom. When the ownership of a major mining concession changes hands through a corporate restructuring and the state’s change-of-control provisions are not enforced, the message sent to the extractive industry — legitimate and otherwise — is that Guyana’s regulatory framework is a formality, not a constraint. That message travels. It is heard in Caracas, in São Paulo, in the offices of commodity traders in Geneva and Singapore who are now making decisions about the post-Maduro Guiana Shield.

And then there is uranium. The U92 Energy Corp. Kurupung project sits in a jurisdiction with

→no domestic regulatory framework for uranium extraction.

→no specialised inspectorate.

→no established environmental liability regime 

→no parliamentary oversight mechanism with the technical capacity to evaluate what is being proposed.

 We have made this argument before on purely governance grounds.                                                                                                    We make it again now on security grounds: a uranium frontier on the Pakaraima border, adjacent to a zone from which armed criminal networks are being displaced by American military operations, is not a situation that a functioning state should approach with a nine-year audit backlog and an unstaffed Data Protection Commission.

 Washington’s New Architecture and Guyana’s Position

 The broader regional picture demands clear-eyed assessment. The Economist documents what it calls the “Trumpification” of Latin America — seven consecutive right-wing presidential victories since January 2025, an ideological convergence around Washington’s priorities on crime, migration and extractive industry, and a network of direct American military co-operation from Ecuador to Venezuela. The PPP government has historically cultivated a careful non-alignment, maintaining relations with Washington, Beijing and Caracas simultaneously. That triangulation is now under structural pressure.

The US-Venezuela arrangement is revealing in its terms. Venezuela under Rodríguez is supplying mineral access, security co-operation and political compliance in exchange for American recognition, sanctions relief, oil export waivers and military protection. Maduro’s Essequibo aggression — the December 2023 referendum, the military mobilisation, the maps redrawn in Caracas — was a product of that previous regime’s political economy. The Rodríguez government, operating under American supervision, has different incentive structures. The Essequibo claim has not been formally withdrawn. But the regime that was prepared to mobilise it militarily has been replaced by one whose survival depends on American goodwill.

This creates a narrow diplomatic window that Guyana should be exploiting with urgency and precision.

 The International Court of Justice case proceeds on its own timeline. But the political conditions that made Venezuelan adventurism possible have shifted significantly. “A Guyanese government with the strategic literacy and institutional capacity to engage this moment could consolidate real security gains. A government that treats it as background noise while managing oil revenues and managing elections is leaving an opening”.

The question of how Georgetown engages Washington in this new regional architecture is not separable from the question of whether Guyana’s extractive governance is adequate to the moment. 

American capital is rushing into the Guiana Shield. American military presence is reorganizing its security environment. American strategic interest in the region’s mineral wealth — gold, uranium, rare earths — is not abstract. 

If Guyana cannot demonstrate that it governs its portion of the Shield with the transparency and accountability that Western investors and institutions nominally require, it will find itself not as a partner in this new architecture but as the next ungoverned frontier to be reorganised by someone else.

What Needs to Happen

This new outlet does not traffic in alarm for its own sake. We state what the evidence requires:                                                                                               
→The GGMC audit backlog must be cleared as a matter of national security, not administrative housekeeping. The government should be asked in Parliament, specifically and on the record, when audited financial statements for 2017 through 2025 will be tabled. No answer is itself an answer.

→The U92 Kurupung uranium project must be paused pending the establishment of a fit-for-purpose regulatory framework. This is not anti-investment. It is the condition for investment that does not create liabilities the Guyanese state cannot manage.

The Parliamentary Sectoral Committee on Economic Services, reduced from monthly to quarterly meetings in the same period that these extractive governance questions have intensified, must be restored to regular function and given the technical support to conduct meaningful oversight of the mining sector.

 The Guyana government must make a formal public assessment of the security implications of the displacement of criminal mining networks from Venezuela’s Bolívar state toward the Pakaraima border region. If that assessment has been made internally, it should be shared with Parliament and the public.

And the PPP government must decide, clearly and on the record, what Guyana’s strategic posture is in the new regional architecture that:                                                                            American policy is constructing. Non-alignment was a coherent position when the region was genuinely multipolar. It becomes incoherence when the Shield on which your economy depends is being reorganised under the military and commercial direction of one power, on your border, right now.

The Guiana Shield does not belong to Washington.

 It does not belong to Caracas. 

A significant portion of it belongs to the people of Guyana.

It is time to govern it like it does.

 The 592 Guardian is an independent accountability journalism outlet. We accept no government advertising and carry no political affiliations.