Who Polices the Police? America’s Costly Campaign of Global Retribution

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BY: Staff— Writer

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592 𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣.       

The arrest of Adys Lastres Morera, a relative of a senior figure in Cuba’s military-linked GAESA conglomerate, is being presented by U.S. authorities as a matter of national security. But strip away the diplomatic language, and a more troubling pattern emerges—one that reflects an increasingly aggressive posture by Washington under Donald Trump, positioning itself as the de facto police force of the world.

Morera, a lawful permanent resident since 2023, now faces removal proceedings not for any publicly substantiated criminal act, but under the broad and elastic justification that her presence “undermines U.S. foreign policy interests.” That phrase should alarm anyone concerned with due process and the rule of law. It signals a shift away from evidence-based enforcement toward politically motivated targeting.

This is not an isolated incident. It is part of a wider doctrine—one that expends billions of dollars pursuing individuals across borders, often in the name of ideological confrontation rather than tangible national benefit.

At a time when Americans themselves are grappling with inflation, economic uncertainty, and strained public resources, such actions raise serious questions about priorities. What exactly is gained by these high-profile detentions? And at what cost?

The irony is stark. While the United States asserts jurisdiction over foreign nationals and foreign-linked entities, it increasingly blurs the line between legitimate law enforcement and geopolitical retribution. The justification often rests on opaque claims of “threats” without transparent evidence, eroding the credibility of institutions that claim to uphold justice.

Meanwhile, the broader consequences are ignored. These policies exacerbate international tensions, complicate diplomatic relations, and deepen economic pressures—both abroad and at home. The costs are not merely financial; they are institutional and moral. Each such action chips away at the principles the United States claims to defend.

And this raises the most uncomfortable question of all: who holds power accountable when it overreaches? If the United States assumes the role of global enforcer, who then enforces the law against the United States—or against leaders who weaponize that power for political ends?

The arrest of Morera may seem like a minor headline in the churn of global news. But it is emblematic of something far larger: a system increasingly driven by retribution over reason, projection over principle, and power over justice.

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592 𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣 𝙞𝙨 𝙖𝙣 𝙞𝙣𝙙𝙚𝙥𝙚𝙣𝙙𝙚𝙣𝙩 𝙂𝙪𝙮𝙖𝙣𝙚𝙨𝙚 𝙘𝙤𝙢𝙢𝙚𝙣𝙩𝙖𝙧𝙮 𝙖𝙣𝙙 𝙤𝙥𝙞𝙣𝙞𝙤𝙣 𝙤𝙪𝙩𝙡𝙚𝙩 𝙘𝙤𝙫𝙚𝙧𝙞𝙣𝙜 𝙘𝙞𝙫𝙞𝙘, 𝙥𝙤𝙡𝙞𝙩𝙞𝙘𝙖𝙡, 𝙖𝙣𝙙 𝙧𝙚𝙜𝙞𝙤𝙣𝙖𝙡 𝙖𝙛𝙛𝙖𝙞𝙧𝙨.

Guyana Can’t Be a First-Class Airport with a Third-Class Aviation Strategy

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BY: Hem Kumar                                

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592 𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣

Guyana’s aviation history is not a relic to be admired—it is a roadmap we are failing to follow.

From its humble beginnings in 1939, when British Guiana Airways stitched together isolated riverine communities with amphibious aircraft, aviation in Guyana was never a luxury. It was a necessity. It connected the hinterland to the coast, enabled medical access, supported commerce, and ultimately became a pillar of national development. By the time Guyana Airways emerged as the national flag carrier in 1966, it was more than an airline—it was a declaration of sovereignty, capability, and ambition.

Today, we boast of having one of the most modern and rapidly expanding airports in the Caribbean and Latin America. But that boast rings hollow.
An airport without a national airline is infrastructure without strategy.

The story of Guyana Airways proves that state-supported aviation is not only viable but essential in a country defined by geography, resource expansion, and uneven development. For decades, the airline connected interior communities like Lethem, Mabaruma, and Kamarang—areas that remain economically critical today, particularly as Guyana’s oil wealth and extractive industries push deeper into the hinterland.
Market forces now demand—not discourage—the return of a national carrier.
Guyana is no longer a small, struggling economy. It is one of the fastest-growing economies in the world. Passenger traffic is rising. Business travel is surging. Diaspora links to New York, Toronto, and the Caribbean are stronger than ever.

Tourism is expanding. Cargo demand—particularly for energy, agriculture, and mining—is increasing. Yet, we remain dependent on foreign carriers to move our people, control our pricing, and dictate our connectivity.
That is not a position of strength. It is a structural vulnerability.
Critics will point to the collapse of Guyana Airways in 1999 as a cautionary tale. They are not wrong—but they are incomplete. The airline failed under a very different economic reality: high debt, weak management structures, and a limited market.

None of those conditions define Guyana today. What failed then was not the concept of a national airline—it was its execution.
Modern aviation models offer alternatives that did not exist in the 1990s: public-private partnerships, strategic alliances, code-sharing agreements, and lean fleet operations. A reimagined national carrier does not have to replicate the past. It must be built for the future—efficient, commercially driven, and strategically aligned with national development goals.

The question is no longer whether Guyana can afford a national airline.
The question is whether we can afford not to have one.

Without a national carrier, Guyana forfeits control over critical aspects of its economic expansion—airlift capacity, route development, pricing competitiveness, and emergency response capability. We risk becoming a transit point rather than a hub, a customer rather than a competitor.

A country positioning itself as a regional energy powerhouse cannot outsource its aviation backbone indefinitely.
Reinstating a national airline is not about nostalgia. It is about sovereignty, economic leverage, and strategic foresight. It is about ensuring that the same spirit that once used amphibious aircraft to reach remote communities now drives a modern aviation enterprise capable of connecting Guyana to global markets on its own terms.

We have the demand. We have the infrastructure. We have the economic momentum.

What we need now is the political will.

A Subsidy Disguised as Strategy

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Beneath the rhetoric lies a familiar reality—public losses, private gains, and political survival

There is a dangerous and intellectually dishonest narrative taking root in Guyana—one that seeks to chain the survival of a failing, state-subsidised sugar industry to the success of a highly profitable private rum company.

Prime Minister Mark Phillips’ claim that Guyana “cannot produce world-class rum without sustaining sugar production” is not only misleading—it is a calculated deflection from the real issue: decades of unchecked public spending on an industry that has consistently failed to justify its cost.
Let us deal in facts, not sentiment.

GuySuCo has absorbed tens of billions of dollars in taxpayer subsidies over the past three decades. Year after year, it has failed to produce sugar at a cost competitive with global prices. It remains structurally inefficient, operationally challenged, and financially dependent on the Treasury for survival.

In stark contrast stands Demerara Distillers Limited (DDL)—a private, profit-making corporation that has successfully repositioned itself in the global premium rum market. It has done what efficient enterprises do: adapt, innovate, and grow.
But here is the contradiction the Prime Minister refuses to confront.
If DDL’s success truly depends on sugar, then why is the Guyanese taxpayer being asked to subsidize that dependency? Why is a private company’s supply chain risk being transferred onto the public balance sheet?

Serious businesses do not operate this way. They secure their inputs. They invest in their supply chains. They acquire or partner where necessary to ensure stability and control. If molasses is as indispensable as the government claims, then DDL should be at the forefront of acquiring, restructuring, or directly investing in sugar production.
That is what vertical integration looks like. That is what responsibility looks like.
Anything less is a quiet but deliberate socialization of cost and privatization of profit.

And the question that exposes the fragility of the Prime Minister’s argument is this: what happens when the subsidies stop?
If a future administration—faced with mounting fiscal pressures or shifting priorities—decides it can no longer justify injecting billions into GuySuCo, does DDL cease operations? Or does it simply source molasses from the international market, as any rational business would?
The answer is obvious—and it dismantles the entire premise.

Which brings us to the uncomfortable truth at the heart of this policy posture: this is not economics. This is politics.
The continued subsidization of sugar has long functioned as an electoral instrument—preserving jobs in key constituencies, sustaining rural economic dependencies, and maintaining a support base that is politically valuable. In that context, the invocation of rum is not an economic argument; it is a convenient narrative, designed to make an unsustainable policy appear strategically necessary.

A political necessity is being dressed up as an economic imperative.

Yes, sugar is part of Guyana’s history. Yes, rum is part of its identity. But history cannot be financed indefinitely by taxpayers, and identity cannot be used to obscure fiscal irresponsibility.

If the government believes sugar has a future, it must present a transparent, time-bound plan for viability, with measurable outcomes and accountability. If it does not, then it must stop constructing artificial linkages to justify its continued existence.
Guyanese are not blind to this contradiction. They are being asked, year after year, to fund losses they do not control, for benefits that are politically distributed but economically unsound.

Guyana cannot build a modern economy on this foundation.
It is not strategy. It is subsidy without end, sustained by political convenience and disguised as national pride—and it is time that fiction is called out for what it is.

The question is no longer whether rum depends on sugar. The question is why the Guyanese taxpayer is being asked to carry a burden that private enterprise itself is unwilling to assume.

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣𝙏𝙧𝙪𝙩𝙝 𝘼𝙘𝙘𝙤𝙪𝙣𝙩𝙖𝙗𝙞𝙡𝙞𝙩𝙮,𝙄𝙣𝙩𝙚𝙜𝙧𝙞𝙩𝙮 𝙄𝙣𝙂𝙪𝙮𝙖𝙣𝙖 𝘼𝙣𝙙𝘾𝙖𝙧𝙞𝙗𝙗𝙚𝙖𝙣 𝙋𝙚𝙧𝙨𝙥𝙚𝙘𝙩𝙞𝙫𝙚𝙨. — ✦—

A Servant of the State Has Become an Instrument of Suppression

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BY: Staff— Writer

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592 𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣.    

When an unelected REO does the work of elected Regional officials, it is not governance — it is the PPP’s velvet-gloved coup against democracy in Region 10.

The photographs tell a story that no government press release will ever dare to tell. A newly appointed Regional Executive Officer — an unelected civil servant, a political appointee who has never once placed his name before the people of Region 10 — is pictured tramping through communities, consulting with residents, inspecting drains, and conducting field visits. On the surface, it looks like diligence. Look closer, and it is something far more sinister.

That is the work of the Regional Chairman and Vice-Chairman. It is constitutionally mandated, democratically earned work — belonging to the elected representatives of the We Invest in Nationhood (WIN) party, who won the Regional Democratic Council of Region 10 fair and square at the 2025 local government elections. The people of Linden and its surrounding communities spoke. They chose their representatives. And the PPP-led government, apparently allergic to the democratic verdict wherever it does not favour them, has decided those representatives simply will not function.

The REO Is Not a Chairman. The Constitution Says So.
Let us be unambiguous about what a Regional Executive Officer is, and what he is not. The REO is the Accounting Officer of the Regional Democratic Council. He is an administrator — appointed, not elected — tasked with managing the financial and administrative machinery of the RDC. His role is to serve the Regional Chairman and the democratically constituted Regional Administration. He is a functionary. He is not a policymaker. He is certainly not a substitute Chairman.

The Regional Democratic Council is a creature of the Constitution of the Cooperative Republic of Guyana. Chapter 7, Article 72 of that Constitution establishes Local Democratic Organs as part of the architecture of participatory governance in this country. The elected Chairman and Vice-Chairman derive their authority directly from the people. No President, no Minister of Local Government, and no hand-picked REO can lawfully strip them of that authority — not without tearing pages from the very Constitution the PPP government swore to uphold.
What is happening in Region 10 is precisely that — a tearing of pages.

Victimization Dressed in a High-Visibility Vest
The PPP’s strategy is not new. It has been deployed before, against other regions, against other opposition-controlled councils. Where they cannot win at the ballot box, they strangle through administration. Resources are withheld. Statutory allocations are delayed. And when all else fails, they empower the REO — their man, their appointee — to simply do the job of the elected officials, rendering the Chairman and Vice-Chairman ceremonial figureheads with titles but no territory.

This is victimization. Not the kind that is loud and obvious — no one is being arrested, no office has been padlocked.

This is the creeping, bureaucratic, suffocating kind of victimization that is designed to frustrate, to humiliate, and ultimately to delegitimize a duly elected Regional Administration in the eyes of its own constituents. If residents see the REO in the field addressing their concerns while their Chairman is nowhere to be found — not because he refuses to serve, but because he is being systematically locked out of the tools and authority needed to serve — what conclusion are they meant to draw?
That is the calculation. That is the intention.

The Government Cannot Have It Both Ways
This administration speaks endlessly of constitutional governance. President Ali invokes the rule of law at every press conference and international forum. Ministers lecture the opposition about respecting state institutions. Yet here, in Region 10, a constitutional body — the Regional Democratic Council — is being functionally neutered by the very government that claims to be democracy’s guardian.

You cannot celebrate the Constitution on Independence Day and desecrate it on every other day of the year. You cannot demand that opposition parties respect electoral outcomes nationally while engineering the collapse of those same outcomes at the regional level. The hypocrisy is not merely breathtaking — it is dangerous. It tells every Guyanese citizen who does not carry a PPP membership card that their vote has a ceiling, that democracy in this country is conditional, and that the Constitution is a document of convenience rather than a covenant of governance.

Region 10 Deserves Better. Guyana Deserves Better. The 592 Guardian calls on the Minister of Local Government and Regional Development to immediately cease and desist from any directive — formal or informal — that empowers the REO of Region 10 to usurp the functions constitutionally belonging to the elected Regional Chairman and Vice-Chairman.

We call on the Integrity Commission and the relevant oversight bodies to investigate whether the conduct of the REO, and those who have directed him, constitutes a breach of the constitutional order.

We call on civil society, the Bar Association of Guyana, and all defenders of democratic governance to speak with one voice: what is happening in Region 10 is not administration. It is occupation.

And we say to the people of Region 10 — your vote was not wasted. Your mandate was real. The attempt to erase it is the clearest possible evidence that those in power fear what you represent: an independent, determined electorate that will not be bought, bullied, or bypassed.

That is a power no REO, however willing, can ever take from you.

THEY BOUGHT SILENCE FOR $5 MILLION. NOW THE COURTS ARE LISTENING.

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BY: Staff -Writer

Three years ago on May 21st nineteen children died in a school dormitory that had padlocked grilles over its windows and doors and no fire extinguishers, no sand buckets, no meaningful safety measures of any kind. The building did not fail on its own. It failed because the state that built it, funded it, and bore responsibility for the children sleeping inside it never ensured the most basic conditions for their survival. That is not an allegation. That is a fact established in every legal filing now before the courts.

What followed was, if anything, worse. In the acute grief of July 2023, while parents were still burying their children, a delegation of government officials descended on Mahdia. Among them was the Attorney General, Anil Nandlall. Among them also — and this fact demands to be stated plainly — was an individual named Keoma Griffith, presented to the bereaved families as counsel. He was not their counsel. He had arrived with the State.

WHAT THE PARENTS WERE TOLD

“Sign this agreement or you have nothing else to get from the government.”
— State officials to bereaved parents, as reported in sworn accounts before the courts
“They told us not to discuss the details of the agreement with anyone. We didn’t get any legal advice.”
— A parent of one of the nineteen victims, as reported by Stabroek News
“I feel guilty, like I sold my child’s life for 5 million.”
— A mother, on the $5 million settlement signed without independent legal advice

The Attorney General told at least one parent that the government could not be sued because it did not light the fire. What he did not explain — and what the families were in no position to interrogate, having just buried children — was that liability does not require lighting a match. It requires a duty of care. And the state’s duty to those children in that dormitory could not have been clearer or more thoroughly abandoned.

The agreements the parents were pressed to sign contained a clause absolving the government of liability. Parents were explicitly told not to share the details. No independent attorney was in that room to advise them. And yet the agreements were signed — because grief, powerlessness, and the explicit threat of receiving nothing at all are extraordinarily effective instruments of coercion.

ESTABLISHED FACTS
→ Nineteen children died in the Mahdia dormitory fire on May 21, 2023.
→ The facility had padlocked, grilled windows and doors with no emergency egress.
→ No fire extinguishers or sand buckets were present on the premises.
→ In July 2023, parents signed $5M-per-child agreements without independent legal counsel.
→ Agreements included clauses absolving the government of liability.
→ Parents were told not to discuss the agreement’s terms with anyone.
→ The individual presented as families’ “counsel,” Keoma Griffith, travelled with the State delegation — not independently of it.
→ Keoma Griffith was subsequently appointed Minister of Labour and Manpower Planning.
→ A High Court has since set aside one such agreement, signed under duress, clearing the way for independent judicial valuation.
→ Claims filed on behalf of 11 families now exceed $400 million per child.

THE REWARD FOR SERVICES RENDERED
Keoma Griffith was not a prominent political figure before July 2023. He was present at that meeting in Mahdia in a capacity that, to the grieving parents, appeared to be legal representation. He was not representing them. He was present with — and on the side of — the government whose liability was the very subject of the agreements being signed. That is not the role of independent counsel. That is the role of a State facilitator.
That same Keoma Griffith has since been elevated to the Cabinet as Minister of Labour and Manpower Planning. He now stands at the intersection of protest, workers’ rights, and state authority — and he is, at this very moment, doing what he has apparently been hired to do: serving the government’s interests over those of the people who needed protection. The Mahdia families needed protection in July 2023. Workers need protection today. The pattern is consistent.

WHERE THINGS STAND NOW
▸ May 21, 2023 — Nineteen children die in the Mahdia dormitory fire. The facility had no functioning fire safety measures and exits were obstructed.
▸ July 3, 2023 — AG Nandlall, Keoma Griffith, and other officials visit Mahdia. Parents are told to sign $5M agreements or “have nothing.” No independent legal counsel is present. Agreements contain liability waivers. Parents are told not to discuss the terms.

Copy of the contract — families were forced to sign

2024–2025 — Attorneys Darren Wade and Eusi Anderson file legal challenges. Wade represents 11 families from Micobie and Chenapau, with claims exceeding $400M per child. Anderson secures a High Court ruling setting aside one coerced agreement.
▸ May 2025 — International psychiatric experts evaluate survivors to document ongoing trauma. Families report the government has abandoned pledges to build memorials and secure burial grounds.

The High Court’s decision to set aside the agreement signed by Valerie Carter — whose twin daughters perished — is not just a legal development. It is a judicial acknowledgment that what happened in that room in Mahdia was not a fair settlement. It was a transaction conducted under duress, facilitated by a government that used grief, desperation, and the threat of destitution to close out its liability for nineteen dead children.

The State has also failed to compensate survivors who carry physical injuries and severe psychological trauma. It has not built the memorials it promised. It has not secured the burial grounds it pledged. These are not oversights. They are the predictable behaviour of an administration that, from the very night of the fire, has treated accountability as a threat to be managed rather than an obligation to be met.

The families who refused to be silenced deserve to be acknowledged clearly on this anniversary. The High Court ruling that cracked the wall the government built around its own liability, and the $400 million-per-child claims that refuse to reduce a child’s life to an administrative line item, are not merely legal proceedings. They are acts of resistance against a pattern of state impunity.

Nineteen children should be alive today. They are not, because a government facility failed them in every way a facility can fail. The administration’s response — dispatching officials to seal the grief of parents before it could become litigation, and then rewarding the facilitator of that operation with a Cabinet seat — is its own indictment. The courts are now writing a different ending. And this publication will be watching every word of it.

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592 𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣 𝙞𝙨 𝙖𝙣 𝙞𝙣𝙙𝙚𝙥𝙚𝙣𝙙𝙚𝙣𝙩 𝙂𝙪𝙮𝙖𝙣𝙚𝙨𝙚 𝙘𝙤𝙢𝙢𝙚𝙣𝙩𝙖𝙧𝙮 𝙖𝙣𝙙 𝙤𝙥𝙞𝙣𝙞𝙤𝙣 𝙤𝙪𝙩𝙡𝙚𝙩 𝙘𝙤𝙫𝙚𝙧𝙞𝙣𝙜 𝙘𝙞𝙫𝙞𝙘, 𝙥𝙤𝙡𝙞𝙩𝙞𝙘𝙖𝙡, 𝙖𝙣𝙙 𝙧𝙚𝙜𝙞𝙤𝙣𝙖𝙡 𝙖𝙛𝙛𝙖𝙞𝙧𝙨.

Remains of the building

Hypocrisy on the Hemispheric Stage

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BY: Hem Kumar                                

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592 𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣

Guyana’s Parliament continues to project a troubling contradiction: while the institution at home is visibly weakened, underperforming, and increasingly irrelevant to the public it is supposed to serve, its senior figures continue to seek prestige abroad in forums that reward democratic symbolism more than democratic substance.

The presence of Deputy Speaker Dr. Vishwa Mahadeo at the 74th Meeting of the ParlAmericas Council and the 22nd Plenary Assembly in Ottawa may be presented as an act of parliamentary diplomacy, but it also invites a harder question: what exactly is being exported under the banner of “regional engagement” when the domestic legislature remains marred by dysfunction, inertia, and a persistent failure to command respect? A parliament that does not properly deliberate, scrutinize, or hold the executive to account cannot credibly posture as a model of democratic practice on the international stage.

This is not an argument against Guyana’s participation in hemispheric parliamentary bodies. It is an argument against the hypocrisy of sending representatives to speak the language of governance, transparency, and institutional strengthening while the home institution continues to atrophy.          

If ParlAmericas is genuinely committed to democratic renewal, then it must do more than host ceremonial gatherings and issue polished declarations. It must also reckon with the reality that participation alone does not equal performance, and membership alone does not confer credibility.

Guyana’s parliamentary leadership should understand that international visibility is not a substitute for domestic responsibility. A deputy speaker cannot represent parliamentary excellence abroad if the parliament itself is widely seen as an appendage of the executive, a chamber too often reduced to formality, and a place where accountability is diluted by political convenience. The more these officials travel to forums on governance while failing to uphold governance at home, the more they expose the hollowness of their commitments.

There is also a larger institutional problem here. Bodies like ParlAmericas risk damaging their own moral authority when they allow weak parliamentary systems to bask in the legitimacy of association without demanding visible standards of conduct and performance. 

Cooperation should not become cover. Dialogue should not become applause. And multilateral fellowship should not become a laundering mechanism for domestic failure.

If Guyana’s parliament is to recover any serious standing, its leaders must first show seriousness where it matters most: in the National Assembly, before the people of Guyana, through disciplined scrutiny, real debate, and uncompromising accountability. Until then, every foreign forum becomes another stage on which local dysfunction is repackaged as democratic participation.

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣𝙏𝙧𝙪𝙩𝙝 𝘼𝙘𝙘𝙤𝙪𝙣𝙩𝙖𝙗𝙞𝙡𝙞𝙩𝙮,𝙄𝙣𝙩𝙚𝙜𝙧𝙞𝙩𝙮 𝙄𝙣𝙂𝙪𝙮𝙖𝙣𝙖 𝘼𝙣𝙙𝘾𝙖𝙧𝙞𝙗𝙗𝙚𝙖𝙣 𝙋𝙚𝙧𝙨𝙥𝙚𝙘𝙩𝙞𝙫𝙚𝙨. — ✦—

Diplomacy Abroad, Dereliction at Home

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While Guyana’s Deputy Speaker participates in the ParlAmericas gathering in Ottawa—a forum dedicated to strengthening parliamentary democracy, transparency, and inter-legislative cooperation—the National Assembly of Guyana has not convened for over ninety days. There have been no sittings since early in the year. No questions to Ministers. No motions debated. No committee activity of consequence placed before the public.

This is not a scheduling anomaly. It is a democratic lapse.

Under Guyana’s constitutional architecture, Parliament is the central forum for executive accountability. Article 65 establishes it as the supreme legislative authority, while the system of standing committees—most notably the Public Accounts Committee (PAC)—exists to ensure that public funds are examined, interrogated, and justified. Yet oversight cannot occur in abstraction. It requires sittings, reports, and active engagement. Without these, accountability is not delayed—it is denied.

The timing could not be more consequential. Guyana is now managing billions in oil revenues through the Natural Resource Fund, alongside expanding capital expenditure across multiple sectors. These are precisely the conditions that demand heightened parliamentary vigilance. Instead, what obtains is institutional quiet.
The Public Accounts Committee, chaired by the Opposition and traditionally one of the few bipartisan accountability mechanisms in the system, depends on the steady flow of Auditor General reports and parliamentary engagement to function effectively. In the absence of sittings and structured follow-through, its work risks becoming episodic rather than systemic. Oversight, in such circumstances, becomes performative rather than substantive.

Equally concerning is the absence of parliamentary questions and debates—tools through which Ministers are compelled to explain policy decisions, defend expenditures, and clarify national priorities. These are not optional features of governance; they are its backbone. When they disappear from public life for extended periods, so too does transparency.


Against this backdrop, the optics of international participation take on a different character. What does it mean to speak about democratic strengthening abroad while presiding over democratic dormancy at home? What credibility does representation carry when the institution being represented is not actively functioning?

Responsibility here is neither vague nor collective. The convening of Parliament is governed by established procedures and ultimately driven by the Executive’s legislative agenda. Prolonged inactivity therefore raises legitimate questions: Is this delay strategic? Administrative? Political? The public has been given no clear explanation—and in governance, unexplained gaps are rarely benign.

This is not merely about optics or political point-scoring. It is about the integrity of the State’s accountability framework at a moment of unprecedented national wealth. Democracies do not fail overnight; they weaken through normalization of absence—of sittings not held, questions not asked, and scrutiny not applied.
Guyana cannot afford that trajectory.

If Parliament is to retain its constitutional relevance, it must do more than exist—it must function. Regularly. Transparently. Relentlessly. Anything less, particularly at this juncture, is not just institutional failure. It is a quiet surrender of oversight at the very moment it is most needed.

Washington’s pressure campaign is now a Caribbean test

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BY: Hem Kumar                                

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592 𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣

The United States’ latest move against former Cuban President Raúl Castro is more than a legal action tied to an old case. It is a fresh reminder that Washington’s pressure campaign against Havana has entered a more aggressive phase, with consequences that could reverberate far beyond Cuba’s shores.

What is being presented as an indictment over a 30-year-old tragedy is also part of a broader strategy of coercion. The timing matters. The Trump administration has already escalated its regional posture, tightened pressure on Cuba, and signaled that it is willing to use every instrument of state power — legal, economic, diplomatic, and potentially military — to force political change in the hemisphere.

That is why the Caribbean should be paying close attention.

Why CARICOM should be alarmed
For CARICOM, the central issue is not whether the deaths from the 1996 shootdown deserved accountability. They did. The issue is whether the United States is now normalizing a model in which indictments, sanctions, blockades, and strategic intimidation become tools for disciplining small states in the region.

If that becomes acceptable practice, then the principle of sovereign equality weakens for everyone in the Caribbean.

CARICOM states are not abstract observers in this matter. They are small, open economies that depend heavily on rules, predictability, diplomacy, and respect for international law. A hemisphere governed by pressure politics is a hemisphere in which small states lose leverage. Once great powers decide that regime preference justifies coercion, the region becomes more vulnerable to disruption, instability, and external interference.

There is also the humanitarian dimension. The tightening squeeze on Cuba has already contributed to blackouts, shortages, and deepening hardship for ordinary people. That suffering does not stay neatly confined within national borders. It can intensify migration pressures, strain regional systems, and create additional burdens for neighboring states that are already operating with limited capacity.

Guyana’s foreign policy challenge
Guyana has a particular responsibility to navigate this moment with principle and discipline. Its foreign policy should not be reactive, nor should it be trapped by the false choice between solidarity with Cuba and friendship with the United States.

The correct position is more serious than that. Guyana should defend the core principles that protect small states everywhere: sovereignty, non-intervention, peaceful coexistence, and the primacy of international law.

That means opposing collective punishment. It means rejecting any drift toward military adventurism. It means cautioning against the use of legal process as a disguise for regime-change politics. And it means speaking with clarity about the human cost of policies that target entire populations in the hope of weakening a government.

At the same time, Guyana must be tactically smart. It should avoid unnecessary rhetorical posturing that can be easily framed as hostility toward the United States. A strong foreign policy is not the same as a noisy one. The better approach is to speak firmly, consistently, and in concert with CARICOM, so that the region presents a unified voice rooted in law and humanitarian concern rather than ideological shouting.

A regional precedent that cannot be ignored. The danger here is precedent. If Washington can escalate against Cuba under the banner of accountability, then the threshold for intervention across the hemisphere becomes lower. If sanctions and indictments are treated as interchangeable with diplomacy, then the region moves closer to a permanent state of coercive politics.

That should concern every Caribbean government.

CARICOM was created in part to give small states collective strength in a world dominated by larger powers. That purpose matters now more than ever. The region should not wait until the pressure broadens to another country before recognizing the implications. Once coercion is normalized against one Caribbean nation, the barrier protecting others weakens.

This is why CARICOM should insist on a framework of engagement that privileges dialogue, restraint, and multilateralism. The Caribbean should not become a stage on which external powers rehearse regime-change scripts under legal cover.

Guyana and the regional moral case
Guyana, in particular, can make a credible moral argument if it anchors its position in principle rather than ideology. It can say plainly that Cuba’s people should not be made to absorb the full weight of geopolitical confrontation. It can argue that political disagreements between states must not be resolved through starvation tactics, blockade logic, or the threat of force.

That is not anti-Americanism. It is a defense of civilized international conduct.

It is also consistent with the Caribbean’s own history. Small states know what it means to be pressured by forces beyond their control. That memory should not disappear simply because the language of pressure is now wrapped in legal formalism.

The Caribbean must speak plainly
This moment calls for Caribbean clarity. Raúl Castro’s indictment may be framed in Washington as law enforcement, but in the region it is being read as something larger: a warning that the United States is prepared to intensify its campaign against Cuba and to do so with little regard for the humanitarian consequences.

CARICOM should not be silent. Guyana should not be vague. The region should state, without hesitation, that it opposes collective punishment, external coercion, and any escalation that threatens Caribbean stability.

The Caribbean cannot allow the normalization of empire by indictment.

If the region is to remain a meaningful community of sovereign states, it must defend the principle that no small nation should be reduced to a pawn in the strategic ambitions of a great power.

“If Raúl Castro can be hauled before a U.S. court, who will indict Trump for the killing and destruction his own wars have produced?”

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣𝙏𝙧𝙪𝙩𝙝 𝘼𝙘𝙘𝙤𝙪𝙣𝙩𝙖𝙗𝙞𝙡𝙞𝙩𝙮,𝙄𝙣𝙩𝙚𝙜𝙧𝙞𝙩𝙮 𝙄𝙣𝙂𝙪𝙮𝙖𝙣𝙖 𝘼𝙣𝙙𝘾𝙖𝙧𝙞𝙗𝙗𝙚𝙖𝙣 𝙋𝙚𝙧𝙨𝙥𝙚𝙘𝙩𝙞𝙫𝙚𝙨. — ✦—

CROOKS HONOURING CROOKS? The Baldeo Disgrace and the Questions That Must Be Answered.

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An Editorial By 592 Guardian

There is a particular kind of insult that masquerades as celebration. It wraps itself in flags and music and the language of pride, and then—if you are not paying attention—it slips something rotten underneath the table and calls it an honour.
That is precisely what is happening with the inclusion of Albert Baldeo among those being recognised during Guyana’s Independence Jubilee celebrations in New York City.

This editorial calls it exactly what it is: a disgrace. And it demands accountability.

THE SUBWAY CAMPAIGN: WHERE IS THE PROOF?
Let us begin with what has been claimed publicly. Ambassador Michael Brotherson announced that all 400 NYC subway stations would be adorned with Jubilee branding to showcase Guyana’s culture and achievements and to strengthen national pride among the diaspora.
That is an extraordinary claim—and it deserves extraordinary scrutiny.

The New York City subway system, for reference, contains 472 stations by MTA count. To say that 400 of them—nearly the entire network—were branded for Guyana’s Independence Jubilee would represent one of the most expansive transit advertising campaigns this city has ever seen. Anyone who rides the system regularly—and tens of thousands of Guyanese New Yorkers do, every single day—knows that a saturation campaign of that magnitude would be impossible to miss.

So the questions are simple and fair:
What did this cost? A full-system MTA advertising buy of that scale runs into significant public or quasi-public money. Who paid for it—the Guyanese government, the Embassy, a private sponsor? If it was public funds, the Guyanese taxpayer is owed transparency.
Where is the documentation? A campaign of 400 branded stations would require a contract with the MTA, purchase orders, and creative approvals. These are verifiable. Let them be verified.

Why can Guyanese commuters not find it? If the saturation claimed is real, it should be visible to anyone riding the A, C, E, F,1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, N, Q, R, or any other line. The absence of widespread sightings is not a conspiracy—it is a data point.
Diaspora pride is real. The desire to see Guyana celebrated on a world stage is real. But exaggerating the scale of that celebration—if that is what has occurred—does not build pride. It manufactures it. And manufactured pride is propaganda, dressed in national colours.

ALBERT BALDEO: A RECORD THAT CANNOT BE IGNORED
Now to the matter that should genuinely outrage every Guyanese in New York.
Albert Jairam Baldeo is being honoured as part of these Independence Jubilee celebrations.

This is the same Albert Baldeo who was convicted in a Manhattan federal court on seven counts of conspiracy and obstruction of justice, arising from a scheme to use straw donors in a 2010 political campaign and then lie to federal investigators about it. Federal Judge Paul Crotty sentenced him to 18 months in prison and fined him $15,000. Prosecutors described a man who instructed others to lie to law enforcement, threatened and intimidated witnesses, and worked systematically to conceal the truth from federal agents.

This is the same Albert Baldeo who was formally disbarred by the New York Appellate Division, Second Department, on March 4, 2020—his name stricken from the roll of attorneys and counselors-at-law, effective immediately, under the totality of circumstances the court found warranted permanent removal from the profession.
This is the same Albert Baldeo whose name has circulated for years in complaints from Guyanese community members—particularly in immigration matters—stories that are not rumour but lived experience for families who trusted him and found that trust misplaced.

This man has continued to present himself publicly as an advocate for the Guyanese diaspora. He posts on social media. He offers advice. He attaches “Hon.” to his name. But the record is the record, and it does not bend to personal reinvention.

And now—now—he is being held up as a figure worthy of honour at a celebration of Guyanese independence and achievement.
We have had this story up for two days on social media. Not one credible voice has come forward to defend the selection. Not one comment of substance has been made in Baldeo’s favour. The silence from his supporters is deafening—because even those inclined to defend him know that the facts are not on their side.

THE VETTING FAILURE
This is not only about Baldeo. It is about a process—or the absence of one.

When a government or its representatives compile a list of honourees to be celebrated before the diaspora in one of the most visible cities in the world, there must be a vetting process. There must be someone whose job it is to ask the basic questions:
Has this person been convicted of a federal crime? Has this person been disbarred? Is there a documented record of harm to the very community we are claiming to honour?

If those questions were asked about Baldeo, and the decision to honour him was made anyway, that is a scandal of judgment. If those questions were never asked, that is a scandal of negligence. Either way, the people responsible for this list must answer for it.

The Guyanese diaspora in New York did not build its presence in this city through shortcuts. They came with their backs straight and their hands open. They drove taxis, ran businesses, raised children in difficult circumstances, and kept the values of community, sacrifice, and decency alive across thousands of miles. Many of them fled hardship. Many of them sent money home for decades. They did not do all of that to have their collective name attached to a man with a federal conviction and a disbarment order.

This community deserves better. And it is time to say so clearly.

A PUBLIC CALL TO PRESIDENT IRFAAN ALI
Mr. President, The 592 Guardian joins with the NYC Diaspora community calling on you directly.
You are the head of state of the Cooperative Republic of Guyana. These celebrations are being conducted in your government’s name, and they carry the weight of your nation’s reputation—not just at home, but before the eyes of an international diaspora community watching closely.

We are calling on you to personally review the list of honourees connected to the New York Independence Jubilee celebrations.
We are calling on you to review, specifically, the inclusion of Albert Jairam Baldeo—a man convicted by a federal court of conspiracy and obstruction of justice, a man formally disbarred and stripped of his licence to practise law, a man whose record in this community stands against everything these celebrations are meant to represent.

If it is within the power of your government or its representatives to rescind this recognition, we urge you to do so without delay.
We also call on you to direct that full transparency be provided regarding the NYC subway branding campaign: the cost, the contract, the source of funding, and the actual scope of what was purchased. If it was funded with public money, the Guyanese people are entitled to a full accounting.

Mr. President, you have spoken often about accountability and the rule of law. Here is an opportunity to demonstrate that those values apply even when the subject of scrutiny is someone who has aligned himself with the Guyanese community’s public image.

The diaspora is not a backdrop. It is not a prop for celebrations that do not reflect its values. It is a living community of people who carry Guyana with them every day—and who expect their government to carry it with integrity.

Rescind the honour. Provide the accounting. Do what is right.

The 592 Guardian is an independent voice for Guyanese civic accountability. We welcome responses, corrections, and documentation from all parties named or referenced in this editorial.

Beyond Rhetoric: The Hour for Action Is Now

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BY: Hem Kumar                                

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592 𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣

Guyana is not short on warnings. It is drowning in them.
What it lacks—increasingly, alarmingly—is courage. Not the courage to speak. Speaking is easy. What is demanded now is the courage to act, to confront, to absorb political cost in service of democratic principle. That courage has gone conspicuously absent from those elected and appointed to defend this country’s constitutional framework.

The recent pronouncements by Ganesh Mahipaul and Vincent Alexander on executive overreach are not revelations. They are confirmations of what the public has already witnessed with its own eyes: constitutional bodies weakened, oversight diluted, institutional independence reduced to a procedural illusion maintained for appearances. These men are not breaking news. They are narrating a crisis they have been unable or unwilling to arrest.
Repetition is not resistance. Observation is not opposition. And Guyana has run out of time for those who believe that naming the problem discharges their responsibility to solve it.

What Is Actually Happening
Let us be direct about what is unfolding.
The Executive is not stumbling into overreach. It is executing a deliberate and patient consolidation of power—through budgetary control over independent agencies, through institutional appointments that hollow out oversight functions, through the slow subordination of bodies designed precisely to check executive authority. This is not improvisation. It is architecture.
And it is advancing without meaningful resistance.

Constitutional bodies are being reshaped not through dramatic coups but through the far more effective tools of financial dependency and strategic attrition. When agencies cannot act without executive approval of their budgets, their independence exists only on paper. When commissioners and board members understand that their institutional survival depends on accommodation rather than confrontation, the function of oversight transforms into the performance of it.
This is how democracies erode. Not in one rupture, but in a hundred quiet surrenders.

Mahipaul: Concern Without Consequence
Ganesh Mahipaul is correct to raise the alarm about budgetary interference and the creeping subordination of constitutional agencies. He is correct, and his warnings are insufficient.
Here is the question that must be asked plainly: after the press conference, after the statement, after the soundbite — what then?
If constitutional agencies are being financially strangled, the response cannot be another round of public commentary. It must be legal challenge. It must be judicial intervention. It must be sustained parliamentary pressure that forces the government to either defend its conduct in the open or retreat from it. The opposition has procedural tools available. The courts are available. International oversight bodies are available. The question is not whether mechanisms exist — they do. The question is why they are not being used with the consistency and urgency this moment demands.

An opposition that raises concerns without pursuing decisive countermeasures does not check power. It documents its own ineffectiveness.

That is not opposition. That is a record.

Alexander: The Contradiction That Cannot Be Ignored
The more troubling case is Vincent Alexander.

Alexander has spoken with apparent conviction about institutional capture, democratic erosion, and the importance of integrity within constitutional bodies. These are serious and legitimate concerns. They are also deeply complicated by his own position.

As an opposition-nominated commissioner at GECOM, Alexander’s continued tenure raises questions that deserve honest public examination. The opposition landscape that framed his original appointment has changed substantially. Leadership has shifted. Political realities have evolved. Yet he remains — occupying a seat under circumstances that invite scrutiny — while invoking the very principles of legitimacy and accountability he warns are under threat elsewhere.

One cannot credibly decry the erosion of democratic norms while simultaneously benefiting from their ambiguity. If the argument is that institutions must reflect current political realities, genuine legitimacy, and transparent accountability, then that standard applies universally — not to one’s opponents, and not selectively when convenient.

The public is not incapable of recognising contradiction. When those who warn about institutional compromise appear themselves to occupy contested positions, it does not strengthen the democratic argument. It weakens it. It hands the government precisely the deflection it needs.

If Alexander’s position on institutional integrity is sincere, then consistency demands he apply that same scrutiny to himself. Anything less transforms principle into posture.

The Deeper Crisis: Comfortable in the Grey
What these cases share is the deeper structural failure now threatening Guyana’s opposition politics: too many actors within the system have grown comfortable operating in the very grey areas they publicly condemn.

They critique executive overreach while accommodating its consequences. They warn about compromised institutions while resisting the personal cost of genuine reform. They speak the language of accountability while exempting themselves from its demands. And in doing so, they provide the government not only with cover, but with a mirror — one in which the opposition’s own contradictions make it increasingly difficult for the public to identify who, exactly, is defending democratic principle and who is merely performing it.

This is not a small problem. It is the central problem.

Because the government does not hesitate. It does not narrate its consolidation — it executes it. It organises, advances, and acts. The asymmetry between an executive that moves and an opposition that comments is not sustainable. It is a losing position, and it is being chosen daily.

What Meaningful Representation Looks Like
There is a clear example of what effective opposition strategy looks like, and it deserves to be named and amplified.

Amanza Walton-Desir moved beyond domestic rhetoric and engaged international transparency bodies and diplomatic missions directly — escalating concerns to forums where scrutiny carries institutional weight and where the government cannot simply dismiss criticism as partisan noise. That is not symbolism. That is strategy. It is the recognition that when domestic accountability mechanisms are compromised, the arena must expand.

It is not the full answer. But it is a model.

Effective opposition under conditions of institutional pressure requires action across multiple fronts simultaneously:

Legal and judicial challenges must be pursued against budgetary interference with constitutional agencies. The courts exist precisely for this. Use them, consistently and publicly, not as a last resort but as a first line of resistance.

International escalation must be sustained. Petitions to governance and electoral oversight bodies, engagement with diplomatic missions, formal submissions to regional and international democratic institutions — these create accountability in spaces the government cannot easily control.

Parliamentary pressure must be continuous and strategic, not reactive. Procedural mechanisms exist to force accountability, to demand documentation, to place the government on record. They must be deployed with discipline and persistence, not reserved for moments of political convenience.

Internal accountability must begin immediately. The opposition cannot demand transparency from the government while resisting it from within its own ranks. Every contradiction between stated principle and personal conduct is ammunition for those seeking to discredit democratic resistance.

Credibility Is Built Through Consistency
There is no shortcut here. Credibility is not constructed through statements, however well-worded. It is built through the accumulation of consistent action — through pursuing the legal challenge when it is difficult, through holding the line when accommodation would be easier, through applying standards to oneself that one demands of others.

The public is watching. It is not watching for more warnings. It has heard the warnings. It is watching for evidence that those entrusted with democratic representation understand what time it is — and are willing to act accordingly.

Guyana is no longer in a period of ordinary political contestation. These are conditions under which institutions are being tested. Constitutions that are not defended do not remain intact. Democratic frameworks that are not actively maintained do not preserve themselves. The erosion being described in press conferences is real, it is accelerating, and it will not be reversed by narrating it more eloquently.

If the opposition continues to substitute commentary for action — to observe the crisis rather than confront it — it risks completing a transformation that is already well underway: from political alternative into institutional decoration. Present. Documented. Ineffective.

The Weight of What Comes Next
History is written by those who acted when action was required. It is equally shaped by those who saw clearly, spoke often, and did nothing consequential to alter what they saw.

The warnings have been issued. The analysis is complete. The record of observation is extensive. What remains to be written is the record of response — and that record is being written now, in real time, through every decision made and avoided, every challenge pursued and deferred, every standard upheld and selectively applied.

Guyana deserves more than paper tigers — loud in warning, absent in resistance.

The question is whether those in a position to provide more will choose to do so before the institutions they are warning about no longer exist in any meaningful form to be defended.

The hour is not approaching. It is here.

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣𝙏𝙧𝙪𝙩𝙝 𝘼𝙘𝙘𝙤𝙪𝙣𝙩𝙖𝙗𝙞𝙡𝙞𝙩𝙮,𝙄𝙣𝙩𝙚𝙜𝙧𝙞𝙩𝙮 𝙄𝙣𝙂𝙪𝙮𝙖𝙣𝙖 𝘼𝙣𝙙𝘾𝙖𝙧𝙞𝙗𝙗𝙚𝙖𝙣 𝙋𝙚𝙧𝙨𝙥𝙚𝙘𝙩𝙞𝙫𝙚𝙨. — ✦—