Flood Threat Looms: Hydromet Issues Fresh Warning Amid Intensifying Rains

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592 𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣

THE Hydrometeorological Service of Guyana (Hydromet) has issued a fresh flood risk advisory, warning that unstable weather conditions, including heavy rainfall and thunderstorms, will persist across the country through the weekend, with elevated flood risks expected to continue until Sunday, May 24, 2026.

In Special Information Bulletin #5, released on Tuesday, Hydromet indicated that all regions are likely to experience significant rainfall as Tropical Wave #4 continues to influence the area before exiting on May 20.

According to the agency, the Inter-Tropical Convergence Zone (ITCZ) is projected to reorganise over Guyana shortly thereafter, leading to another surge in rainfall activity by Saturday and Sunday.
“The latest forecast model outputs indicate that all regions are likely to be impacted by significant rainfall until May 20, 2026,” the bulletin stated.
Hydromet noted that while a brief reduction in rainfall is expected on May 21 and 22, weather conditions are forecast to deteriorate again heading into the weekend.

“With the exception of May 21 and 22, 2026, the risk of flooding, particularly in low-lying and poorly drained areas, remains high until May 24, 2026,” the agency warned.
Rainfall accumulations between 20 mm and 50 mm are anticipated within a 12-hour period through Wednesday, while heavier rainfall ranging from 25 mm to 75 mm over a 24-hour period is expected on Saturday and Sunday.

Residents are being urged to prepare for widespread rainfall, thunderstorms, strong winds, elevated water levels, saturated soils, and reduced visibility during periods of intense showers.
Hydromet cautioned that these conditions may result in localised flooding, hazardous driving due to water accumulation on roadways, disruptions to outdoor activities, and potential damage to infrastructure.

Additionally, thunderstorms may bring lightning, gusty winds, and the possibility of uprooted trees, while some areas could face an increased risk of mudslides.
Providing further meteorological insight, the agency noted that a tropical wave along 60W near the Windward Islands remains nearly stationary, contributing to enhanced convection across the region.

“A tropical wave along 60W is approaching the Windward Islands south of 16N, and is almost stationary,” the bulletin stated, adding that atmospheric conditions are expected to briefly weaken on May 21 and 22 before strengthening again.

The National Weather Watch Centre has indicated that it will continue to closely monitor the system and issue additional updates as conditions evolve.

𝐅𝐫𝐨𝐦 𝐏𝐨𝐯𝐞𝐫𝐭𝐲 𝐭𝐨 𝐂𝐚𝐩𝐭𝐢𝐯𝐢𝐭𝐲 𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐍𝐞𝐰 𝐊𝐥𝐨𝐧𝐝𝐢𝐤𝐞 𝐟𝐨𝐫 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐃𝐞𝐬𝐩𝐞𝐫𝐚𝐭𝐞”

BY: Hem Kumar           

𝐓𝐡𝐞𝐲 𝐜𝐚𝐦𝐞 𝐜𝐡𝐚𝐬𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐡𝐨𝐩𝐞 — 𝐧𝐨𝐭 𝐟𝐨𝐫𝐭𝐮𝐧𝐞, 𝐧𝐨𝐭 𝐨𝐢𝐥, 𝐛𝐮𝐭 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐩𝐫𝐨𝐦𝐢𝐬𝐞 𝐨𝐟 𝐬𝐮𝐫𝐯𝐢𝐯𝐚𝐥.

When you’ve spent your life fighting hunger and sanctions, a message that says “We’ll buy your ticket, and you’ll pay for it by working” feels like a door opening to salvation.

Instead, for many Cubans, Venezuelans, and Haitians workers arriving in Guyana, that door closes into a cell.

One Cuban migrant told us ,”they said it would take eight months to repay the passage. I thought, I can do that. But when I landed, they took my passport. No explanation. Just gone.They put us in a room with no privacy, no air, no light. And by morning, we were in a van heading to work — construction today, illegal mining tomorrow, then construction again. We worked like machines.”

“𝙏𝙝𝙚 𝙨𝙤-𝙘𝙖𝙡𝙡𝙚𝙙 𝙧𝙚𝙘𝙧𝙪𝙞𝙩𝙚𝙧𝙨 𝙥𝙧𝙤𝙢𝙞𝙨𝙚𝙙 𝙤𝙥𝙥𝙤𝙧𝙩𝙪𝙣𝙞𝙩𝙮. 𝙒𝙝𝙖𝙩 𝙩𝙝𝙚𝙮 𝙙𝙚𝙡𝙞𝙫𝙚𝙧𝙚𝙙 𝙬𝙖𝙨 𝙘𝙖𝙥𝙩𝙞𝙫𝙞𝙩𝙮.”

𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐚𝐧𝐚𝐭𝐨𝐦𝐲 𝐨𝐟 𝐚 𝐝𝐞𝐜𝐞𝐩𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧

Our investigative team traced the trail of these “opportunities” through social media — Facebook ads, Instagram reels, and encrypted WhatsApp groups promoting “Passage to Guyana: Work and Pay Later” schemes. The operators behind them frequently pose as travel facilitators or small business agents, but there is little evidence of legal registration or oversight.

Guyana’s labor laws contain no comprehensive framework for regulating foreign recruitment agencies. Once migrant workers arrive, they often enter a zone of legal limbo — neither documented employees nor formal residents.That legal vacuum gives cover to an emerging economy of “labor exploitation” operating under the sheen of development.

In interviews, multiple migrants described confiscation of identification documents, wage withholding, verbal abuse, and threats of abandonment in remote areas. One Venezuelan worker said, “They keep us quiet with fear. Who will we go to? The police? They are friends with the same people who brought us.”

The Cuban man who shared his story recalls when the illusion finally broke. “After eight months, I said, ‘I already paid.’ They laughed. They said I still owed for food, for transport, for everything. That’s when I knew — there was never an end.”

He spent a year and a half in what he calls “hell.” Two young women who traveled with him disappeared shortly after arrival. “We rode together in the van. After that day, gone. I don’t even want to think what happened to them.”

𝐌𝐨𝐝𝐞𝐫𝐧 𝐬𝐥𝐚𝐯𝐞𝐫𝐲 𝐛𝐞𝐡𝐢𝐧𝐝 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐨𝐢𝐥 𝐛𝐨𝐨𝐦

Guyana’s economic transformation has created an insatiable demand for labor — in construction, mining, services, and agriculture. But while the state celebrates booming GDP, it has yet to implement a parallel plan for protecting those it draws from beyond its borders.

The irony is painful: a country once known for exporting its people now thrives on exploiting imported desperation. In the race to modernize, some have turned poverty into a resource — harvesting it from across the Caribbean and Latin America.

There is historical symmetry here. During the 19th-century gold rush in the Yukon, men rushed to the Klondike chasing riches — few found gold, but many left empty, broken, or buried. Today’s migrant workers chase a similar illusion: that Guyana’s oil-age promise will trickle down to them. But the only ones guaranteed profit are the brokers who sell them that dream.

𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐪𝐮𝐢𝐞𝐭 𝐜𝐨𝐦𝐩𝐥𝐢𝐜𝐢𝐭𝐲

When asked about these abuses, officials shrug and point to jurisdictional ambiguity. “We need more data,” one senior agency source said. “We can’t regulate what we can’t track.” But such deflections only reinforce the complicity: a silence that legitimizes exploitation because it serves a convenient shortage of labor.

Private businesses that benefit from these schemes operate without meaningful oversight. Reports reach the authorities about “foreign construction teams” living in inhumane conditions, but investigations rarely follow. The cases fall between ministries — Labor calls it “immigration’s problem,” Immigration calls it “private enterprise.”  

And so the racket thrives, protected by institutional paralysis.

There is, of course, a geopolitical dimension. Many Cuban migrants are politically stranded — unable to regularize elsewhere because of travel restrictions and sanctions. Some arrive through third countries like Suriname or Trinidad, smuggled across porous borders. For them, Guyana’s open frontier offers a semblance of safety — until that safety becomes servitude.

𝐀 𝐩𝐨𝐥𝐢𝐜𝐲 𝐯𝐚𝐜𝐮𝐮𝐦 𝐝𝐫𝐞𝐬𝐬𝐞𝐝 𝐚𝐬 𝐝𝐞𝐯𝐞𝐥𝐨𝐩𝐦𝐞𝐧𝐭

Guyana’s government has often said it welcomes “regional integration and cooperation,” but genuine integration requires regulation. Without a migrant worker policy that codifies rights, sets working-hour limits, guarantees wage enforcement, and criminalizes debt bondage, the country risks institutionalizing modern slavery under the banner of development.

Civil society and trade unions have repeatedly called for labor inspections and migrant registries. But in the haze of oil wealth and political self-congratulation, migrant workers remain invisible. The public seldom sees them. They live on the margins, housed in makeshift compounds, transported in silence, and dismissed when they collapse.

And yet, without them, many construction projects stall. Roads, bridges, and private housing complexes depend on their sweat. Migrant labor has become the ghost fuel of Guyana’s “new economy.”

Undoing this will require more than rhetoric. It demands enforcement mechanisms — cross-border cooperation, embassy oversight, and real-time reporting structures that allow migrants to file complaints safely. It requires that passports never become bargaining chips and that the phrase “work for passage” be recognized for what it is: coercion.

𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐡𝐮𝐦𝐚𝐧 𝐜𝐨𝐬𝐭 𝐛𝐞𝐧𝐞𝐚𝐭𝐡 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐡𝐞𝐚𝐝𝐥𝐢𝐧𝐞

When the Cuban worker finally escaped — slipping through the border into Brazil and surrendering himself to the Federal Police — he said a weight lifted. “After one and a half years, I felt freedom again,” he told us. “And I promised myself that if I ever saw another ad saying ‘work now, pay later,’ I’d tell everyone to run.”

Guyana’s rise must not be built on the backs of people running from hell. If we are to call ourselves an oil nation of promise, we must also be a nation of conscience.

The government must act — not out of charity, but justice. Transparency in recruitment. Legal documentation for foreign laborers. Sanctions for traffickers and businesses that exploit. Public awareness campaigns that warn potential migrants of the schemes thriving in our midst.k

These individuals did not come to steal jobs; they came to save themselves. Instead, many end up building the dreams of others while losing their own.

Beyond GDP: a test of morality

As Guyana stands at the threshold of transformation, we must decide what kind of nation we wish to be. One that counts success in barrels and contracts, or one that measures it in dignity and human worth?

Economic growth without ethical governance is just another gold rush — glittering, intoxicating, and ultimately cruel,

“𝙄𝙛 𝙬𝙚 𝙧𝙚𝙢𝙖𝙞𝙣 𝙨𝙞𝙡𝙚𝙣𝙩 ,𝙬𝙚 𝙗𝙚𝙘𝙤𝙢𝙚 𝙥𝙖𝙧𝙩𝙣𝙚𝙧𝙨 𝙞𝙣 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙩𝙧𝙖𝙙𝙚 . 𝙄𝙛 𝙬𝙚 𝙖𝙘𝙩, 𝙬𝙚 𝙨𝙚𝙩 𝙖 𝙣𝙚𝙬 𝙨𝙩𝙖𝙣𝙙𝙖𝙧𝙙 𝙛𝙤𝙧 𝙟𝙪𝙨𝙩𝙞𝙘𝙚 𝙞𝙣 𝙩𝙝𝙚 𝙧𝙚𝙜𝙞𝙤𝙣”

The Cuban worker’s warning echoes across borders: “Not all that glitters is gold. Some of it is a trap to steal your life.”

Guyana must ensure that the promise of development does not become someone else’s prison.

Editor’s Note : This article was first published on April 27, 2026, after we were contacted by the victims via social media. This establishes TIP well before EKAA HRIM surfaced. We believe it is worth revisiting to assess possible complacency by the AHJ.

“Healthy Hearts, Failing System: Guyana’s Young Are Dying Because No One Is Being Held Accountable”

BY: Hem Kumar                               

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592 𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣

Guyana cannot keep shrugging off the mounting toll of cardiovascular disease as an unavoidable medical fact. In a small population where every death ripples through families and communities, the rising number of young people collapsing with heart attacks, hypertension, obesity, diabetes, and premature coronary artery disease is not a statistic to recite—it is a national failure to act. The latest Cardiology Symposium at the Georgetown Public Hospital Corporation (GPHC) did not just present new data; it laid bare a brutal contradiction: the country knows how to prevent these deaths, yet continues to allow them anyway.

Heart disease has long been among Guyana’s leading causes of death, claiming over 2,000 lives a year, with more than half tied to coronary artery disease. Yet what is new—and deeply alarming—is that many of those dying are no longer the elderly. They are young adults, often in their most productive years, arriving at hospitals with conditions that should have been managed years before. One cardiologist at the symposium noted that young Guyanese are now presenting with hypertension, diabetes, obesity, arrhythmias, and premature coronary artery disease at rates that would be considered unacceptable in any functioning health system. When the system tolerates this, it is not failing by accident; it is failing by default.

The real scandal is that heart disease is largely preventable. The risk factors are well known: poor diet, physical inactivity, smoking, uncontrolled blood pressure and diabetes, and high cholesterol, worsened by stress and poverty. The tools for early detection—blood pressure checks, glucose screening, lipid profiles, and even advanced diagnostics like coronary calcium scoring—are available, at least in pockets. What is missing is not knowledge, or even goodwill, but consistent, system‑wide enforcement of prevention as a national priority. In a country that talks about development while losing thousands to a disease that rarely strikes the healthy, prevention cannot remain at the margins of the agenda.

Yet prevention is consistently treated as optional. Patients arrive too late, too sick, and too often already in crisis because the primary‑care layer is weak, under‑staffed, and poorly coordinated. Follow‑up is patchy, referrals are delayed, and continuity of care is sacrificed for convenience, bureaucracy, and silence. The result is that many Guyanese still see a doctor only when they collapse, not when they feel “off.” That culture is not created by citizens alone; it is shaped by a system that has normalised late‑stage intervention instead of structured, early‑stage prevention.

Health leadership must be held to a higher standard. If the Ministry of Health and the Georgetown Public Hospital Corporation can mobilise conferences, symposiums, and media events, they must also mobilise performance indicators that track how many people are screened, how many high‑risk patients are identified, how many are actually brought into treatment and follow‑up. The public is tired of hearing that “heart disease is a leading cause of death” and “we must do more prevention.” Those phrases ring hollow when the same officials return year after year to repeat the same tone of alarm without measurable change.

The growing burden among younger populations only intensifies this duty. When young Guyanese die suddenly or with advanced coronary disease, it is not just a tragedy for their families; it is an economic and social loss for the nation. These are students, workers, caregivers, and future leaders—cut down not by some mysterious plague, but by a disease that can be delayed, mitigated, and often avoided. To allow that to continue is to accept a weaker workforce, heavier household burdens, and an over‑stretched health system that should never be treating preventable heart attacks as routine.

Accountability also means confronting unevenness across the system. Rural and remote communities, as well as certain ethnic groups with higher prevalence of coronary disease, often face greater barriers to screening, treatment, and specialist care. If the Ministry of Health is serious about equity, it must track and correct these disparities, rather than assuming that building more hospitals in Georgetown automatically solves the problem elsewhere. Prevention is not just about drugs and machines; it is about accessible clinics, trained nurses and community health workers, and outreach that reaches people where they live.

The public must also be engaged differently. Awareness campaigns that last a day or a week are not enough. Guyana needs sustained, community‑level education that explains, in simple language, when to test, what to watch for, and where to go before a crisis. Nutritionists and doctors at the symposium rightly emphasised healthy eating, exercise, smoking cessation, and weight management; but those messages must be backed by policies that make healthy choices easier—affordable fruits and vegetables, limits on trans fats and salt, and stronger tobacco control.

In short, Guyana cannot afford to keep absorbing a steady stream of preventable heart deaths while the same institutions repeat the same warnings. The country is too small, the population too vulnerable, and the cost of inaction too high. Those tasked with the mandate must be held accountable for delivering fewer avoidable deaths, earlier detection, and better follow‑up—not just for holding conferences about the problem.

Healthy hearts are not a luxury; they are the foundation of a healthy nation. If the leadership will not act for that, it must at least answer to those who will.

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592 𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣-𝙏𝙧𝙪𝙩𝙝 , 𝘼𝙘𝙘𝙤𝙪𝙣𝙩𝙖𝙗𝙞𝙡𝙞𝙩𝙮, 𝙄𝙣𝙩𝙚𝙜𝙧𝙞𝙩𝙮 𝙄𝙣 𝙂𝙪𝙮𝙖𝙣𝙖 𝘼𝙣𝙙 𝘾𝙖𝙧𝙞𝙗𝙗𝙚𝙖𝙣 𝙋𝙚𝙧𝙨𝙥𝙚𝙘𝙩𝙞𝙫𝙚𝙨. —✦—

Guyana Now Sits at the Center of a Quiet Power Struggle

BY: Hem Kumar                               

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592 𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣

The Chinese Ambassador’s recent column is not an isolated diplomatic courtesy—it is a signal.

And more importantly, it is a response. When foreign envoys begin using state-linked platforms to directly counter statements from U.S. lawmakers, it tells us something fundamental: Guyana is no longer a peripheral player. It is now a space of strategic contest.
The Ambassador’s message was polished, deliberate, and rich with carefully selected facts—billions in investment, hospitals, bridges, training programs. This is not accidental. It is narrative building. It is China making its case not just to policymakers, but to the Guyanese public: we are here, we are beneficial, and we are not what others claim.

But beneath the language of “mutual respect” and “win-win cooperation” lies a more complex reality. This is about influence—economic, political, and cultural. And influence, regardless of origin, is never neutral.

Equally important is where this message appeared. The decision to publish such a direct rebuttal in a state medium cannot be dismissed as routine. It reflects a government navigating increasingly sensitive terrain. Guyana is attempting to maintain balance while two global powers sharpen their rhetoric. That balancing act will only grow more difficult.

Yet within this tension lies an undeniable truth—Guyana is in an unusually advantageous position.
For perhaps the first time in its modern history, this small nation commands outsized global attention. Vast oil reserves, expanding infrastructure, and rapid economic transformation have propelled Guyana onto the world stage. Washington is watching. Beijing is investing.

Others are circling. This is not coincidence—it is consequence.
Guyana is now a resource-rich state with leverage.
And that leverage, if properly understood and strategically deployed, can redefine the country’s economic trajectory for generations. But leverage unused is leverage lost.
What we are witnessing is not simply external interest—it is competition. And competition, if managed intelligently, can be turned into opportunity. Better financing terms, stronger infrastructure deals, technology transfer, workforce development, and diversified partnerships are all within reach. But they do not happen automatically. They require deliberate, calculated negotiation anchored in a clear national strategy.

This is where the concern lies.
Guyana’s posture, while diplomatically cautious, appears reactive rather than assertive. External powers are actively shaping narratives and defending their interests on our soil, while our own national voice remains restrained. Silence may preserve short-term balance, but it does little to define long-term direction.

This moment demands more.

It demands that Guyanese leadership fully recognize the geopolitical space the country now occupies—not as a passive participant, but as an emerging player with bargaining power. It demands policies that treat foreign engagement not as assistance, but as negotiation. It demands transparency, institutional strength, and a clear articulation of national priorities that cannot be bent by external pressure, regardless of source.
This is not about choosing between China and the United States. That would be a fundamental miscalculation.

This is about ensuring that both—and any other interested partner—compete within terms that serve Guyana’s interests first.
If there is a “war of attrition” unfolding, it is not one of weapons, but of narratives, influence, and access. And Guyana is now firmly in its crosshairs.
But being in the crosshairs is not the same as being a victim.
Handled correctly, this moment presents a rare strategic opening. A small state, rich in resources and rising in relevance, has the opportunity to convert global attention into national advancement.

The question is no longer whether Guyana is being courted.
The question is whether it has the vision—and the resolve—to capitalize on it.

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592 𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣-𝙏𝙧𝙪𝙩𝙝 , 𝘼𝙘𝙘𝙤𝙪𝙣𝙩𝙖𝙗𝙞𝙡𝙞𝙩𝙮, 𝙄𝙣𝙩𝙚𝙜𝙧𝙞𝙩𝙮 𝙄𝙣 𝙂𝙪𝙮𝙖𝙣𝙖 𝘼𝙣𝙙 𝘾𝙖𝙧𝙞𝙗𝙗𝙚𝙖𝙣 𝙋𝙚𝙧𝙨𝙥𝙚𝙘𝙩𝙞𝙫𝙚𝙨.— ✦—

A Dead Worker, Stolen Passports, and Silence at the Top: The EKAA HRIM Scandal Guyana Cannot Afford to Bury

BY: Hem Kumar                               

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592 𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣

There is a man named Sekhar Chhetri who will not be going home.

He will not board a return flight to India. He will not collect the wages he was owed. He will not see the family he left behind when he travelled thousands of miles to work at a quarry carved into the hills of Batavia, Region Seven — a quarry that was commissioned with fanfare, blessed by the presence of Guyana’s Head of State, and left to operate in a remote jungle with virtually no labour oversight for years.

Sekhar Chhetri is dead. His colleagues — thirty-eight Indian nationals — sit in Georgetown demanding only three things: their passports, their unpaid wages, and a flight home.
They should not have had to beg for any of those things.
That they did — and that it took public outrage, social media exposure, and opposition pressure to force even a government response — is not merely a labour dispute. It is a national indictment.

THE ARCHITECTURE OF EXPLOITATION
Let us be precise about what has been documented, because precision matters when powerful interests prefer vagueness.
The contracts signed by workers at EKAA HRIM Earth Resources Management are not merely aggressive — they are, on multiple points, flatly illegal under Guyanese law. Workers were required to pay USD $3,000 if dismissed and USD $5,000 if they resigned or “absconded” — a term the contract applied to any worker who left the site without written employer permission. Under Guyana’s own Labour Act, mandatory financial penalties for resignation are entirely unenforceable.

These contracts do not reflect hard bargaining. They reflect a deliberate design to trap. The abuse of overtime provisions compounds this. The contracts stipulated that base salary covered 72 hours of work per week — a direct violation of the National Minimum Wage Order. Overtime compensation was denied if extra hours were worked to meet production targets or compensate for weather delays. Guyana Labour Law is unambiguous: overtime is mandatory for any work beyond standard limits, regardless of operational circumstances. EKAA HRIM did not misinterpret the law. It chose to ignore it.

Passports were confiscated. Workers reported never receiving a physical payslip. Salaries were delayed for months. Food was inadequate. Medical access was limited. One worker lost four fingers in a workplace accident under allegedly substandard occupational safety conditions. And on May 12, 2026, Sekhar Chhetri died at the quarry site.

The company’s response to his death — issuing a press statement attributing it to a heart attack while accusing social media of spreading “misleading information” — may or may not reflect the medical facts. But coming from an employer that simultaneously held workers’ passports, withheld their wages, and imposed illegal contract penalties, it carries the credibility of a confession dressed as a denial.

THIS IS NOT AN ADMINISTRATIVE MATTER — IT IS A CRIMINAL ONE
Guyana’s Combating of Trafficking in Persons Act is explicit. Any person who, for the purpose of trafficking, knowingly confiscates or possesses the passport of another person commits an offence punishable by a fine of one million dollars and up to five years’ imprisonment. The law does not provide an exception for employers who claim they held documents for “security” or “safety” reasons. There is no such exception.

Confiscating a worker’s passport is not a policy decision. It is a crime.
The Ministry of Labour’s decision to treat passport seizure, wage theft, illegal contracts, unsafe conditions, and a worker’s death as matters to be resolved through a 24-hour response deadline and dialogue with management is not proportionate to the gravity of what has occurred. Critics are correct to call it what it is: the ministry is treating a statutory criminal offence as an administrative inconvenience. That signals to every abusive employer operating in Guyana’s remote interior that the gap between the law on paper and the law in practice is wide enough to exploit indefinitely.

A joint investigation team has been mobilised — the Ministry of Labour, the Guyana Police Force, and the Trafficking in Persons Unit. That is structurally correct. But mobilisation is not accountability. The question is not whether investigators will visit Batavia. The question is whether anyone will be prosecuted.

THE SHADOW OVER THE STATE
This scandal does not exist in isolation. It exists in a specific political geography that Guyanese citizens understand even when officials refuse to name it.
The quarry at Batavia was not opened quietly. It was commissioned by President Irfaan Ali. The company’s principal, Saju Bhaskar, is a Coimbatore-based businessman who also owns Texila American University Guyana — an institution that itself recruits students from the same Indian subcontinent whose nationals now sit in Georgetown demanding only their documents and their wages.

The proximity between the country’s highest office and this employer is not incidental background detail. It is central to understanding why thirty-eight workers could be exploited for months, in some cases years, in a remote Region Seven quarry without a single labour inspection, without payslips, without functioning safety protocols, and without anyone in authority intervening until social media forced the issue into the open.

When a Head of State commissions an employer’s facility, that employer acquires something more valuable than a photograph. They acquire the reasonable expectation — whether or not it is ever explicitly granted — that the instruments of State will not move against them with urgency. The thirty-eight Indian nationals at EKAA Quarry did not invent that expectation. The pattern of non-intervention over months and years created it.

The opposition’s intervention — raising six formal demands including full wage payment, compensation for the injured worker who lost his fingers, compensation for Sekhar Chhetri’s family, and EKAA HRIM bearing all repatriation costs — performed a duty of care that the government itself abdicated. That the workers reportedly refused a private audience with the Indian High Commissioner and insisted on having the opposition leader present tells its own story. These men did not trust that a quiet, closed meeting would serve their interests. Given everything they had experienced, they were right to be cautious.

WHAT FESTERS WHEN NOTHING HAPPENS
If this scandal is managed rather than resolved — if it dissolves into a quietly closed investigation, a company that faces no prosecution, workers who are repatriated without full compensation, and a ministry statement declaring compliance going forward — the damage will be far greater than the immediate injustice to thirty-eight individuals.
Consider what normalisation produces.

Guyana is no longer a peripheral economy. It is one of the fastest-growing oil economies on the planet. Foreign capital is flowing in at historic rates. Foreign workers are following. The infrastructure of exploitation documented at Batavia — illegal contracts, passport seizure, wage theft, remote locations that discourage scrutiny — is a template that other unscrupulous operators will apply if they see it go unpunished. The message sent by impunity is always the same: this is permissible here.
Guyana’s international standing cannot absorb that message.

Human rights bodies, international labour organisations, diplomatic partners, and global financial institutions are watching how this country governs the human cost of its resource boom. The United States Department of State’s annual Trafficking in Persons Report monitors exactly this category of abuse. The International Labour Organisation tracks forced labour indicators — and passport confiscation, movement restrictions, debt bondage through punitive resignation clauses, and withheld wages are among the clearest indicators on that list.

Guyana does not need to be formally designated a trafficking haven to suffer the reputational and diplomatic consequences of a high-profile case that ends without prosecution.
India, for its part, is not a passive observer. Union Labour Minister Mansukh Mandaviya has publicly stated that his ministry is monitoring the situation and will take every possible step for the betterment of affected workers.

India and Guyana share deepening diplomatic and economic ties. The death of an Indian national under disputed circumstances, in conditions that Indian authorities are now scrutinising, is a bilateral issue with real consequences. Guyana cannot afford to have New Delhi draw conclusions about the safety of its nationals in this country based on the outcome of how this case is handled.

THE GHOST OF INDENTURSHIP
There is a history in this country that makes the EKAA HRIM scandal feel like something older and more sinister than a modern labour dispute.

Guyana was built on indentured labour. Indian workers were brought across oceans under contract terms that promised one thing and delivered another. Their passports — their papers — were held by those with power over them. They worked in remote locations. They had no effective recourse. The architecture of the indenture system was designed to make leaving more costly than staying, and to ensure that the law, when it existed at all, moved slowly enough that the powerful could act with near-impunity.

At EKAA Quarry in 2026, the passports replaced the indenture papers. The remote Cuyuni-Mazaruni quarry replaced the sugar estate. The politically connected owner replaced the colonial plantation manager. The Labour Ministry’s delayed response replaced the colonial magistrate’s indifference. The vocabulary has been modernised. The architecture has not changed enough.
Guyana fought — and continues to fight — to define itself beyond that history. Its Constitution enshrines freedom of movement. Its Labour Act protects workers. Its Trafficking in Persons legislation creates criminal accountability. These are not ornamental commitments.

They represent a deliberate decision, encoded in law, that this country will not permit the conditions of the past to reassert themselves in modern form. The question this scandal poses is simple and devastating: does the government of Guyana actually mean it?

WHAT ACCOUNTABILITY LOOKS LIKE
The steps required are not complex. They are merely politically inconvenient for those who might prefer this to disappear.

First, the investigation must culminate in prosecutorial decisions — not administrative findings. Passport confiscation is a criminal offence under Guyanese law. If the evidence, which includes workers’ own testimony and appears to be uncontested on the basic facts, confirms that documents were seized, charges must be laid. A finding that passports were “subsequently returned following ministerial intervention” is not a resolution. It is a description of a crime followed by its reversal. The commission of the crime requires its own response.

Second, all outstanding wages must be paid in full before any worker is repatriated, and EKAA HRIM must bear the full cost of repatriation for all thirty-eight workers and for the remains of Sekhar Chhetri. The family of the deceased must receive compensation. The worker who lost his fingers must receive compensation. These are not demands — they are the minimum obligations of a company that benefited from their labour while violating their rights.

Third, Guyana must establish mandatory, unannounced inspection regimes for all worksites employing foreign nationals in remote locations. The conditions at Batavia did not emerge overnight. They were built over months and years, in a location specifically chosen because its remoteness discouraged oversight. Any regulatory framework that cannot reach Batavia is not a regulatory framework — it is a suggestion.

Fourth, Parliament must be asked to account for how this was allowed to happen. The Labour Ministry’s failure to inspect, intervene, or act raises questions that deserve a formal record. A parliamentary inquiry into the ministry’s oversight of foreign worker employment in extractive industries is not political theatre. It is the legitimate exercise of democratic accountability.

Finally, the government must publicly address the question every Guyanese citizen is asking: what is the precise nature of the relationship between the President’s commissioning of this facility and the company’s subsequent operating environment? The appearance of protection is as damaging as protection itself. Silence on this question will be read as confirmation.

THE COST OF LOOKING AWAY
Guyana stands at a juncture that its oil boom has made both more consequential and more fragile than at any previous moment in its modern history. The decisions made in the coming weeks — whether charges are laid, whether workers are fully compensated, whether the investigation produces accountability or a press release — will be read not just by Guyanese citizens but by the international community that is watching this country’s governance with close, calibrated attention.

A country that cannot protect thirty-eight workers from an employer who seized their documents, denied their wages, exposed them to unsafe conditions, and returned one of them home in a coffin, has not earned the right to speak about development, transformation, and the promise of oil prosperity. Not because those things are false, but because prosperity built on the silence of the exploited is not development. It is extraction with better branding.
Sekhar Chhetri’s death must not become a footnote. His colleagues’ demands must not become a diplomatic inconvenience to be managed quietly into irrelevance.

The illegal contracts, the stolen passports, the withheld wages, the missing payslips, the amputated fingers, and the body in the quarry — these are not separate incidents. They are the documented output of a system that was permitted to operate because the political geometry around it made intervention uncomfortable.
That geometry must now be overridden by the demands of law, justice, and the reputation of a nation that has survived too much history to allow itself to repeat the worst of it.

The world is watching. More importantly, Guyana’s own people are watching — and they will remember not just what happened at Batavia, but what their government chose to do about it.

The 592 Guardian is an independent Guyanese commentary platform committed to accountability journalism and civic engagement.

“Fix Your Home First: Mandamus, Mandate, and the Unfilled Seats of Region 10”

BY: Hem Kumar                                

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592 𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣

There is no question that the recent intervention by the Leader of the Opposition, Mr. Azruddin Mohamed, and members of the WIN parliamentary group in the matter involving 38 exploited Indian workers deserves recognition. At a time when serious allegations of labour abuse surfaced—passport confiscation, excessive working hours, coercive contractual terms, and unsafe living conditions—their presence and persistence helped bring visibility and, ultimately, some measure of relief to those affected.

Advocacy in the face of exploitation, regardless of nationality, is not only commendable but necessary. It reinforces a broader principle: that Guyana must not become a safe haven for labour abuses, whether against citizens or foreign workers. On this front, Mr. Mohamed and his colleagues demonstrated that they are capable of mobilizing attention, applying pressure, and standing on the side of justice.
However, leadership is not defined solely by moments of visibility—it is measured by consistency, responsibility, and fidelity to mandate.

Eight months after the electorate of Region 10 cast their votes, the seats won remain unfilled. This is not a peripheral issue. It is a direct affront to democratic representation. The people of Region 10, having exercised their constitutional right under Article 59 of the Constitution of Guyana— which guarantees participation in the democratic process—are still awaiting the leadership and representation they were promised.

While there are indications of administrative resistance—particularly at the level of the Regional Executive Officer—such obstacles do not absolve political leadership of responsibility. Article 13 of the Constitution emphasizes inclusionary democracy, while Article 149 protects fundamental rights, including protection from discriminatory or arbitrary denial of participation in public affairs. When elected representatives are prevented from taking their seats, these principles are not merely strained—they are potentially violated.

The legal framework provides clear and enforceable remedies, and Guyana’s own jurisprudence shows that courts have intervened where the will of the electorate is frustrated or obstructed. In electoral‑related disputes, the High Court has consistently treated the filling of seats as a matter of constitutional import. For example, in decisions dealing with nominations and the Representation of the People Act, the High Court has affirmed that the Chief Election Officer and related authorities must act in conformity with the law, and that appeals or orders of mandamus may be brought where there is unlawful delay or refusal.

More broadly, the jurisprudence in Guyana on fundamental rights and constitutional remedies confirms that a citizen or group can bring a motion under Article 153 seeking a declaration that a right has been violated and consequential orders compelling compliance. Where administrative action (or inaction) effectively denies representation, the courts have, in analogous cases, recognized that such conduct can engage the protection of fundamental rights. That precedent is not theoretical; it is operational.

In practical terms, the following remedies are, in fact, available and have been tested in similar contexts:
• An application for an order of mandamus to compel the Regional Executive Officer or any other authority to perform its statutory duties in relation to the declared results, where there is unlawful delay or refusal.
• A constitutional motion under Article 153 seeking a declaration that the prolonged failure to seat elected representatives infringes the rights of the people of Region 10 to participation and representation, and demanding consequential orders to enforce compliance.
• recourse to the Representation of the People Act, Chapter 1:03, which spells out the duty of the Chief Election Officer and related bodies to ensure that seats are properly filled in accordance with the declared results. Where there is deviation or obstruction, the courts remain the ultimate arbiter.

The uncomfortable question, therefore, is not whether there are barriers—but why those barriers have not been decisively confronted using the very legal tools and precedents that Guyana’s own jurisprudence has made available.

Mr. Mohamed has shown that he can act with urgency, that he can advocate forcefully, and that he understands the power of sustained engagement. That same intensity must now be brought to bear on the unresolved matter of Region 10. The mandate given by the people is not symbolic—it is binding.
To advocate on behalf of others, while one’s own constituents remain without representation, creates a perception that is difficult to ignore. It is not the act of advocacy that is in question—it is the imbalance in its application.
The people of Region 10 are not asking for attention; they are demanding what is already theirs by right: representation.

If leadership is to carry credibility, it must begin at home.

Mr. Mohamed has demonstrated that he can lead. The time has come for him to pursue, with equal fervor and constitutional precision, the remedies and judicial precedents available to ensure that the voices of Region 10 are finally heard, seated, and respected.

FOOTNOTE:

Legal precedents and provisions relevant to the Region 10 vacancy

1 Constitutional foundation
• The people of Region 10 derive their right to representation from Article 59 of the Constitution of the Co‑operative Republic of Guyana, which guarantees participation in the democratic process, and Article 13, which enshrines inclusionary democracy.
• Article 149 protects fundamental rights, including protection from arbitrary or discriminatory denial of participation in public affairs. Where administrative action (or inaction) effectively blocks elected representatives from taking their seats, these provisions are engaged.

2. Role of the High Court in electoral and mandamus matters
• Guyana’s High Court has repeatedly confirmed that the Chief Election Officer and related bodies must act in conformity with the Representation of the People Act, Chapter 1:03, and that appeals or orders of mandamus may be issued where there is unlawful delay or refusal.
• In electoral‑related disputes, the High Court has affirmed that seats must be filled in accordance with declared results, and that judicial review is available to ensure that the process is not undermined by administrative fiat or obstruction.

3. Constitutional remedies under Article 153
• Article 153 provides that any person whose fundamental rights have been violated may apply to the High Court for a declaration of rights and consequential orders.
• In analogous cases where the conduct of authorities has frustrated democratic participation or representation, the High Court has recognized that such conduct can engage Article 153 protections, making it possible to seek declaratory orders and enforcement of electoral outcomes.

4. Regional and appellate precedents
• In Attorney General of Guyana v Monica Thomas & Others; Bharrat Jagdeo v Monica Thomas & Others CCJ 15 (AJ) GY, the Caribbean Court of Justice addressed the scope of jurisdiction in election‑petition matters, underscoring that election‑related disputes are to be handled within strictly defined constitutional and statutory frameworks.
• In other Guyana‑based electoral‑system and nomination cases, the High Court has consistently held that the Representation of the People Act and the Constitution operate in tandem, and that where there is a failure to comply with statutory procedures, the courts may intervene to uphold the integrity of the process.

Taken together, these authorities establish that the prolonged failure to seat representatives for Region 10—where the electorate’s mandate is clear—is not merely a political inconvenience. It is a matter that falls squarely within the domain of constitutional and electoral justice, and for which remedies such as mandamus, constitutional motion, and judicial enforcement of the Representation of the People Act are available and, in fact, precedented.

Disclaimer:
The author is not a licensed attorney-at-law and this piece is not intended as legal advice. The constitutional provisions, case law references, and procedural remedies mentioned are offered for informational and advocacy purposes only, and are not a substitute for professional legal counsel. Readers are encouraged to consult a qualified legal practitioner before taking any legal action based on the information contained herein. All references to case law and constitutional texts have been used in good faith but should be independently verified in the official reports and statutes.

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣𝙏𝙧𝙪𝙩𝙝 𝘼𝙘𝙘𝙤𝙪𝙣𝙩𝙖𝙗𝙞𝙡𝙞𝙩𝙮,𝙄𝙣𝙩𝙚𝙜𝙧𝙞𝙩𝙮 𝙄𝙣𝙂𝙪𝙮𝙖𝙣𝙖 𝘼𝙣𝙙𝘾𝙖𝙧𝙞𝙗𝙗𝙚𝙖𝙣 𝙋𝙚𝙧𝙨𝙥𝙚𝙘𝙩𝙞𝙫𝙚𝙨. — ✦—

Cuban President Warns of “Bloodbath” Amid Rising U.S. Tensions

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592 𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣

Havana, Cuba — Cuban President Miguel Díaz-Canel has issued a stark warning that any United States military action against the island would trigger a “bloodbath” with far-reaching consequences for regional stability.

The statement follows reports from U.S.-based outlet Axios citing classified intelligence that Cuba has developed a fleet of more than 300 military drones. These systems are reportedly capable of targeting U.S. military installations, including Guantanamo Bay and potentially sites as far as Key West, Florida.
In a post on social media platform X, Díaz-Canel dismissed allegations of Cuban aggression, asserting that the island nation poses no threat to the United States. However, he emphasized Cuba’s right to defend its sovereignty.
“The threat of military aggression against Cuba from the world’s greatest power is well known,” Díaz-Canel said. “If it were to materialize, it would trigger a bloodbath with incalculable consequences and severely undermine regional peace and stability.”

The warning comes amid escalating tensions between Washington and Havana. The United States has reportedly intensified pressure on Cuba, including the imposition of a blockade restricting oil and gas shipments. The move has deepened Cuba’s ongoing energy crisis, with widespread blackouts now lasting up to 22 hours per day in some areas.
Cuba’s energy shortfall has been compounded by the loss of Venezuelan oil supplies following recent U.S. military action in that country, which resulted in the removal of President Nicolás Maduro. The combined pressures have triggered growing public unrest on the island.

Diplomatic signals have also hardened. CIA Director John Ratcliffe recently traveled to Havana to deliver a message from President Donald Trump, indicating that Washington remains open to negotiations — but only if Cuba undertakes what were described as “fundamental changes.” U.S. officials have warned that the window for dialogue is rapidly closing.
Cuban officials, however, appear unmoved. Lianys Torres Rivera, Cuba’s Charge d’Affaires in Washington, stated that Havana would adhere to its “red lines” and is preparing for the possibility of military confrontation.

Meanwhile, additional pressure may emerge through legal channels. Reports indicate that the U.S. Department of Justice is exploring the possibility of indicting former Cuban President Raúl Castro over the 1996 downing of aircraft operated by the exile group Brothers to the Rescue. Any such move would require approval from a grand jury.

The unfolding developments signal a dangerous escalation in U.S.-Cuba relations, with potential implications not only for the Caribbean but for broader hemispheric security.

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣𝙏𝙧𝙪𝙩𝙝 𝘼𝙘𝙘𝙤𝙪𝙣𝙩𝙖𝙗𝙞𝙡𝙞𝙩𝙮,𝙄𝙣𝙩𝙚𝙜𝙧𝙞𝙩𝙮 𝙄𝙣𝙂𝙪𝙮𝙖𝙣𝙖 𝘼𝙣𝙙𝘾𝙖𝙧𝙞𝙗𝙗𝙚𝙖𝙣 𝙋𝙚𝙧𝙨𝙥𝙚𝙘𝙩𝙞𝙫𝙚𝙨. — ✦—

The $97 Million Lie: What Mark Phillips Was Really Hiding

BY: Staff— Writer

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592 𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣.    

There is a particular kind of political lie that deserves special contempt. Not the lie of omission, where a man stays quiet about something uncomfortable. Not the lie of spin, where facts are bent and twisted until they resemble something more convenient. No — the lie that deserves the harshest judgment is the deliberate, constructed, point-by-point denial. The kind where a man looks his country in the eye and says, with the full authority of his office: this did not happen.
That is what Prime Minister Mark Phillips did on April 7, 2026.
And when a leader lies about money — specifically about where nearly one hundred million US dollars went, and why, and to whom — the question this nation must demand an answer to is not merely whether he lied. The question is: what is he hiding?

The Anatomy of the Lie

There is a particular kind of political lie that deserves special contempt. Not the lie of omission, where a man stays quiet about something uncomfortable. Not the lie of spin, where facts are bent and twisted until they resemble something more convenient. No — the lie that deserves the harshest judgment is the deliberate, constructed, point-by-point denial. The kind where a man looks his country in the eye and says, with the full authority of his office: this did not happen.
That is what Prime Minister Mark Phillips did on April 7, 2026.
And when a leader lies about money — specifically about where nearly one hundred million US dollars went, and why, and to whom — the question this nation must demand an answer to is not merely whether he lied. The question is: what is he hiding?

When Leaders Lie About Money, They Are Hiding Something

Let us state what should be obvious but is too often left unsaid in the polite language of political commentary: when elected officials lie about the movement of public money, they are not doing so out of embarrassment. They are not doing so because the truth is mildly inconvenient. Leaders lie about money because the truth about the money leads somewhere they do not want the public to go.

The question this nation must now ask — loudly, persistently, and without apology — is where does this particular truth lead?
A US$97 million settlement, reached quietly, on a project that has already ballooned past US$2 billion, does not materialize from nowhere. Settlements of this nature do not happen without months of negotiation, without legal teams, without approvals at the highest levels of government. Someone signed off. Someone knew. Multiple someones knew. And yet the Prime Minister of this country stood before the public and said: nothing happened.

Who authorized this settlement? At what point was the President informed? Was Cabinet consulted? Were the appropriate parliamentary committees notified — as Phillips himself insisted they would be, when he declared all payments were “reported to parliament”? If that assurance was true, then parliament knew about a payment that the Prime Minister was simultaneously denying. If it was false, then parliament was also deceived. Either answer is damning.

And what precisely were the “soil stabilisation works” and “delay-related provisions” at the heart of this settlement? The Wales site has been a source of concern for engineers and observers since construction began. Soil stabilisation failures on a gas-to-energy project of this scale are not minor technical footnotes. They are red flags that go to the very foundations — literally — of whether this project is being built correctly, safely, and with the oversight that public infrastructure demands. Were the right engineers engaged? Were the right materials used? Was the original contract sum itself based on accurate, honest assessments of the ground conditions at Wales? Or was the project priced to win approval, with the real costs to be negotiated quietly, in the dark, after the cameras had moved on?

These are not paranoid questions. They are the only responsible questions to ask when US$97 million changes hands in secret, and the head of government lies about it.

A Project Built in Darkness

The Wales Gas-to-Energy project has never been clean. From its earliest days it has been wrapped in the kind of opacity that, in a country with functioning accountability institutions, would have triggered independent investigations, parliamentary inquiries, and sustained public pressure.

The project was oversold to the Guyanese people as the answer to the country’s chronic energy crisis. Cheap electricity was the promise. Energy security was the vision. These were not small promises. In a nation where power outages remain a daily reality for thousands of households and businesses, the promise of reliable, affordable electricity is not a political slogan — it is a lifeline. People built businesses around that promise. Communities organised their expectations around that timeline.

And yet, delay after delay, cost overrun after cost overrun, the project has consumed billions while delivering almost nothing to the ordinary Guyanese family still sitting in the dark. The original timeline has long since passed. The original budget has long since been breached. And now we learn that nearly one hundred million dollars more was paid out in a settlement that the Government initially denied even existed.
At what point does a pattern become a verdict?

This is not a project that hit unexpected difficulties and responded with transparency and accountability. This is a project that has operated from the beginning as though public scrutiny is an inconvenience to be managed rather than a right to be respected. Every uncomfortable question has been deflected. Every delay has been explained away. Every escalating cost has been dressed up in language designed to minimise rather than clarify.

And now, a Prime Minister caught in a lie does not resign. Does not offer a full accounting. Does not commission an independent review. He simply adjusts his language, softens his previous denial into something that might, at a distance, resemble a correction, and carries on.

The Cost of Looking Away

There will be those who say this is politics as usual. That all governments do this. That Guyana’s development requires compromise, and that the energy project, whatever its flaws, is still necessary.

These arguments are the enemies of accountability, and they should be rejected with the firmness they deserve.

The argument that “all governments lie” is not a defense of lying — it is an admission that lying has become acceptable.

And in a young democracy, sitting on oil wealth that should be transforming lives across this country, the acceptance of that standard is not pragmatism. It is surrender. It is the surrender of every Guyanese who will never know exactly how much of their national inheritance was quietly settled away, in the dark, while their Prime Minister told them nothing was happening.
The argument that the project is “still necessary” is a distraction. No one is suggesting that Guyana does not need energy infrastructure.

What is being demanded is that the money spent building that infrastructure is accounted for, honestly, in full, to the people who own it. A lie about US$97 million does not become acceptable because electricity is important. If anything, it becomes more dangerous — because it tells contractors, consultants, and all those with their hands near the public purse that the cover of “national development” is wide enough to hide almost anything.

What Must Happen Now

This nation deserves more than a quiet walk-back and a percentage figure. It deserves answers.
Parliament must demand a full accounting of the Wales Gas-to-Energy project — every contract, every amendment, every settlement, every payment. The DAAB award that triggered this US$97 million settlement must be made public in its entirety. The legal basis for the settlement, the names of those who negotiated it, and the chain of approvals that led to it must be placed before the Guyanese people.

The Prime Minister, having been caught in a deliberate public falsehood on a matter involving nearly one hundred million US dollars of public money, should not be permitted to simply move on. There must be consequences. If he was instructed to lie — if this denial came from above — then the public deserves to know that too. If it was his own decision, then the public deserves to know that just as much.

And President Irfaan Ali, who leads this Government and under whose watch this project has accumulated secret settlements, denied payments, and a Prime Minister who lied to the nation — must speak. Not through a spokesperson. Not through a carefully worded press release. Directly, fully, and with the kind of accountability that the leader of an oil-rich democracy owes to its people.

The Wales Gas-to-Energy project was supposed to light up this country. Instead, it has illuminated something far darker — a government that treats public money as its private affair, and public truth as an obstacle to be managed.

Mark Phillips lied. Ninety-seven million US dollars is missing from the honest public record of this country. And until this Government explains — fully, openly, and without the shelter of percentages and careful language — where that money went and why it was hidden, every Guyanese should treat every assurance from this administration with exactly the skepticism it has so thoroughly earned.

The light that this project promised Guyana is not the light of cheap electricity. It is the harsh, unflattering light of accountability. And it is long overdue.

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592 𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣 𝙏𝙧𝙪𝙩𝙝 ,𝘼𝙘𝙘𝙤𝙪𝙣𝙩𝙖𝙗𝙞𝙡𝙞𝙩𝙮, 𝙄𝙣𝙩𝙚𝙜𝙧𝙞𝙩𝙮 𝙄𝙣 𝙂𝙪𝙮𝙖𝙣𝙖 𝘼𝙣𝙙 𝘾𝙖𝙧𝙞𝙗𝙗𝙚𝙖𝙣 𝙋𝙚𝙧𝙨𝙥𝙚𝙘𝙩𝙞𝙫𝙚𝙨. — ✦—

Reigniting a Quiet Nation

When Power Goes Unchecked and Opposition Goes Quiet, the Nation Must Speak for Itself

BY: Hem Kumar                               

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592 𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣

There is a dangerous silence settling over Guyana.

It is not the silence of contentment. It is not the silence of a people at peace with their government, satisfied with the direction of their country, or reassured by those who lead it. 

It is something far more troubling. It is the silence of resignation — the particular quiet that descends on a population that has begun to believe, however reluctantly, that its voice no longer carries weight.

That silence is not accidental. It is the natural consequence of two simultaneous failures: a government that has grown comfortable operating beyond scrutiny, and an opposition that has grown comfortable offering none.

Both failures are dangerous. Together, they are corrosive.

The Government: Authority Without Accountability

Democracies do not die in moments of obvious rupture. They erode — steadily, quietly, through the gradual normalisation of conduct that would once have triggered outrage.

What we are witnessing in Guyana today is not a sudden authoritarian turn. It is something more insidious: the slow, methodical expansion of executive confidence. Decisions are made with less consultation. 

Institutions are tested for their limits rather than respected for their purpose. Public disclosure is managed, not offered. Questions are deflected, not answered. And those who raise concerns are increasingly dismissed — not rebutted, but dismissed.

This is how democratic backsliding works. Not through a single dramatic act, but through accumulation. Each unchallenged overreach becomes the new baseline. Each unanswered question signals that questions need not be answered. Each institution that bends without breaking teaches power that bending is acceptable.

The oil wealth that was meant to be Guyana’s generational opportunity has instead become the political class’s most powerful instrument of control. Resource revenue creates the conditions for dependency. Dependency erodes dissent. And the erosion of dissent is precisely the environment in which authority without accountability takes root and grows.

This is not speculation. It is the observable pattern of resource-rich states across history, across continents, across political systems. Guyana is not immune to those patterns simply because it wishes to be. It is immune only if its citizens, its institutions, and its press refuse to allow them to take hold.

The Opposition: A Silence That Cannot Be Excused

But accountability cannot rest with the press and civil society alone. 

In a functioning democracy, the primary instrument of political accountability is an active, disciplined, and courageous opposition.

What Guyana has instead is a political opposition that appears to have confused survival with effectiveness.

Statements are issued. Press releases are distributed. Condemnations are offered. But the kind of organised, sustained, visible pressure that forces a government to reckon with consequence — that remains largely absent. And absence, in politics, is never neutral. It is always read as permission.

There is no shortage of legitimate grievances for an opposition to anchor itself to. There is no absence of public concern, no scarcity of issues that demand urgent and focused attention. The material for a serious accountability movement exists in abundance. What is missing is the will to build one.

That absence is a political failure of the first order. An opposition that does not hold the government to account is not merely ineffective — it is complicit. Not in intention, perhaps, but in effect. And in politics, effect is what matters.

The people of Guyana did not elect an opposition to manage their own irrelevance. They elected it to be the institutional voice of scrutiny, challenge, and alternative vision. When it falls short of that mandate, it does not merely fail itself — it fails every citizen who counted on it to speak when speaking was difficult.

The opposition must understand: the nation is watching not for what it says, but for what it does. Consistency, courage, and organisation are not optional features of an effective political movement. They are its foundation.

The Void That Is Created

When a government expands unchecked and opposition contracts in silence, a void is created.

And voids do not remain empty.

They are filled — by fatalism, by cynicism, by the creeping conviction that participation is pointless and engagement is futile. They are filled by the quiet withdrawal of citizens who once believed in the possibility of accountability and have slowly been taught not to. They are filled, eventually, by a political culture in which power is the only thing that matters because it is the only thing that appears to work.

That is the real danger now facing Guyana. Not a single scandal. Not a single policy failure. Not a single act of overreach. But the cultural shift that occurs when a population decides, collectively and quietly, that holding power to account is someone else’s problem — or no one’s problem at all.

Four years from the next election is not merely a timeline. For too many citizens, it has become an excuse for disengagement — a reason to wait rather than to act. But democracy does not operate on election cycles. It operates every day, in every institution, in every conversation, in every question asked and every demand made.

The space between elections is not a void. It is where accountability either lives or dies.

The Fourth Estate: Consequential, Not Comfortable

Into this space, the press must step — not cautiously, not partially, but fully and without apology.

Journalism was never designed to be a passive recorder of official positions. It was designed to be the mechanism by which citizens understand what power is doing in their name. When that mechanism functions well, accountability is possible. When it functions poorly — when it normalises silence, when it reports without interrogating, when it mistakes access for independence — democracy suffers consequences it may not immediately see but will eventually feel.

This is not a call for recklessness. It is not an invitation to abandon fairness, accuracy, or proportion. On the contrary, it is a demand for a deeper commitment to all three — because it is precisely the rigour of good journalism that gives it the moral authority to challenge power without apology.

What it does require is courage. The willingness to ask the questions that those in authority would prefer remain unasked. The discipline to follow a story not merely when it is convenient, but when it is difficult. The editorial resolve to resist the twin temptations of access journalism on one hand and performative outrage on the other — and instead pursue, consistently and seriously, the truth of what is happening to this country and why.

The press must connect the dots that official narratives leave disconnected. It must amplify the voices that power has learned to ignore. It must frame the stakes of what is happening with sufficient clarity that citizens who feel distant from politics can understand, concretely, what they stand to lose.

And it must do all of this with the moral seriousness that the moment demands — not as advocacy for any political faction, but as an act of service to the public whose right to know is not a courtesy extended by the powerful, but a cornerstone of democratic life.

A Nation That Must Choose

But ultimately — and this must be said plainly — no institution can substitute for the will of the people themselves.

The Guyanese people are not powerless. They are, in the most fundamental sense, the source of all legitimate authority in this country. The government derives its mandate from them. The opposition earns its relevance from them. Even the press operates at the pleasure of an informed and engaged readership.

When citizens disengage, they do not merely step back from politics. They step back from the source of their own power. And power, once ceded, is rarely returned without effort.

The task before the nation is not to wait for the right leader, the right election, the right moment. It is to refuse — now, consistently, loudly where necessary and quietly where effective — to allow the normalisation of silence to become permanent.

It is to demand accountability not as a political preference but as a civic obligation. To recognise that the erosion of democratic norms, however gradual, has consequences that compound over time. To understand that a generation that grows up without witnessing meaningful accountability learns, from that experience, not to expect it.

This is the inheritance that is at stake. Not merely the next election cycle. Not merely the next policy decision. But the political culture that will define what kind of country Guyana becomes — and what kind of citizens its children learn to be

The Measure of This Moment

History will not remember who was most comfortable during this period. It will remember who was most consequential.

It will remember whether the institutions designed to check power did so. Whether the voices charged with informing the public chose honesty over convenience. Whether ordinary citizens, in the face of what felt like overwhelming indifference, chose engagement over resignation.

The silence settling over Guyana is not inevitable. It is a choice — one being made, or not made, every day by those who govern, those who oppose, those who report, and those who simply live here and care about the country they inhabit.

The question this nation must answer — not in four years, but now — is whether that silence will be accepted, or whether there remain enough people willing to insist, with clarity and without apology, that Guyana deserves better.

It does.

And the time to say so is not later.

It is now.

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣𝙏𝙧𝙪𝙩𝙝 𝘼𝙘𝙘𝙤𝙪𝙣𝙩𝙖𝙗𝙞𝙡𝙞𝙩𝙮,𝙄𝙣𝙩𝙚𝙜𝙧𝙞𝙩𝙮 𝙄𝙣𝙂𝙪𝙮𝙖𝙣𝙖 𝘼𝙣𝙙𝘾𝙖𝙧𝙞𝙗𝙗𝙚𝙖𝙣 𝙋𝙚𝙧𝙨𝙥𝙚𝙘𝙩𝙞𝙫𝙚𝙨. — ✦—

From Defections to Deflection: The Opposition’s Credibility Crisis”

BY: Hem Kumar                               

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592 𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣

Dr. Terrence Campbell’s recent call for a “united opposition front” would be easier to take seriously if it did not ring so hollow against the daily reality of opposition inaction and internal decay.

At a time when Guyanese are grappling with rising living costs, uneven distribution of oil wealth, and deepening concerns about governance, the opposition’s primary offering cannot be another round of speeches about unity. Unity, in this context, risks becoming a convenient slogan—one that distracts from a far more uncomfortable truth: the opposition has yet to demonstrate that it can effectively use the power it already holds.

The APNU, along with other opposition elements, occupies seats in Parliament. Those seats are not symbolic—they are tools of oversight, pressure, and accountability. Yet far too often, the opposition behaves like passive occupants, drawing salaries while failing to mount sustained, strategic challenges to the government they now accuse of overreach and inequity.

Nowhere is this failure more glaring than in Region 10. A prolonged governance vacuum persists, affecting citizens who are entitled to proper representation and administration. And yet, there has been no relentless parliamentary assault, no coordinated legal escalation, no sustained national campaign to force resolution. The issue lingers, quietly pushed aside, while the opposition pivots to lofty calls for unity.

But perhaps the most damning indictment of Dr. Campbell’s leadership—and by extension the broader opposition—lies not in what they say, but in who is leaving.

In recent times, no fewer than seven individuals who held positions at various levels of governance under the opposition have crossed over to the PPP. These are not fringe figures or casual supporters; these are individuals who sat within the machinery of opposition politics, who understood its inner workings, and who ultimately chose to walk away.

That is not a minor political inconvenience. That is a vote of no confidence.

Strong institutions do not hemorrhage leadership. Effective leaders do not preside over steady exits.

When individuals abandon their posts and align themselves with the very government the opposition claims is failing the nation, it raises serious questions about internal confidence, direction, and credibility.

Who, indeed, joins a political movement that cannot retain its own?

And more importantly—who follows a leader whose ranks are thinning from within?

Dr. Campbell’s call for a grand coalition, in this context, appears less like a strategic vision and more like an attempt to compensate for internal weakness. Before inviting others to the table, he must first explain why his own table is losing its occupants.

The invocation of historical figures such as Critchlow, Lachmansingh, Burnham, and Jagan only sharpens the contrast. These were leaders who built movements that attracted, mobilised, and retained people because they inspired confidence and delivered results. Collective action followed strength—it did not substitute for it.

Today, the pattern is the reverse. Issues are raised—whether it be the treatment of foreign workers, governance concerns, or economic disparities—but they rarely reach resolution. They are aired, repackaged, and recycled, while the public sees little evidence of tangible outcomes.

Even the call for supporters to remain calm when opposition figures engage each other betrays a deeper issue: a base that is unconvinced, fragmented, and wary. That is not a messaging problem—it is a leadership problem.

The accusations against the PPP/C—regarding state overreach, institutional pressure, and inequitable distribution of wealth—are serious and deserve scrutiny. But scrutiny requires more than rhetoric. It demands discipline, persistence, and results.
Guyanese are not waiting for another alliance announcement. They are waiting for leadership that functions.

If the opposition cannot hold its ground in Parliament, cannot resolve pressing regional issues, and cannot retain its own members, then calls for unity will continue to sound like what they increasingly resemble: a deflection from failure.

Before calling others to join, fix what is broken within.

Because unity without strength is not a strategy—it is an illusion.

𝙏𝙝𝙚 592𝙂𝙪𝙖𝙧𝙙𝙞𝙖𝙣𝙏𝙧𝙪𝙩𝙝 𝘼𝙘𝙘𝙤𝙪𝙣𝙩𝙖𝙗𝙞𝙡𝙞𝙩𝙮,𝙄𝙣𝙩𝙚𝙜𝙧𝙞𝙩𝙮 𝙄𝙣𝙂𝙪𝙮𝙖𝙣𝙖 𝘼𝙣𝙙𝘾𝙖𝙧𝙞𝙗𝙗𝙚𝙖𝙣 𝙋𝙚𝙧𝙨𝙥𝙚𝙘𝙩𝙞𝙫𝙚𝙨. — ✦—