Mohamed’s prisoner’s dilemma

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Mohamed’s prisoner’s dilemma


OPINION BY : GHK LALL  October 2026

Azruddin Mohamed, Guyana’s Opposition Leader, has a problem.  It’s not game theory.  It’s the prisoner’s dilemma.  Who to look out for, when number one is under the gun?  Literally.  For those Guyanese who already smell a PPP Govt conspiracy, keep on smelling.  The situation is ripe.  Rife with danger for Guyana’s Opp Leader.  Breathe deeply.  Wrap mind around this fact set.

One gun.  Three men.  Some ammo.  Somebody is in trouble.  One unlicensed gun represents many years in the slammer.  Governments have done worse to the political opponents that they fear, in whom they recognize a mortal threat.  So, I am back to three men behind bars.  All three couldn’t have fired one gun at the same time.  One will not confess, even if he is responsible for the gun. 

Would be the best outcome for the other two, but that’s not happening.  Just can’t.  Otherwise, he might as well write himself off.  But there are two other men, and this is where the links in the chain could break down.  I’m back to the prisoner’s dilemma.

Separation and isolation.  Pressure applied.  Turn them against one another.  Make them believe the worst of each other.  Sellout.  Saving own skin.  Penalties mentioned and repeated for reinforcement.  The stakes are high.  Why be a hero?  It’s the penitentiary treatise on divide and diminish.  Then divide and rule.  Then collect the spoils.  Call it whatever pleases.  Coercion.  Psychological duress.  Who has time for such fineries, especially in a jail?  The idea is to put the prisoners against each other, and watch to see which one cracks first.  One crack, and implosion. 

The Opposition Leader is now the last man standing, and he is at his most vulnerable.  No friends.  No allies.  No law in his corner.  No comrades in arms.  Sorry, wrong choice of words.

The gun is his.  According to his imprisoned companions.  In the right hands, with a specific object in mind, ballistics can be tweaked, can be gamed, can be made to produce whatever connection is desired.  Opposition Leader Mohamed’s situation just went from grim to grimmer.  Recall the long list of PPP Govt distortions to bring down those who stand in its way, and ballistics manipulations become child’s play.  In this country, handwriting experts have generated skepticisms, postmortems have come under fire, and now ballistics enter the picture.  It could be the make-or-break contributor that is hailed as an expert witness, or an impostor.

With that background, I call on Guyanese to be realistic.  Check how far the PPP Govt has gone, and succeeds in neutralizing those that thwart its well-laid plans.  When the PPP Govt can influence the U.S. government (I scorn denials) to review the visa of a sitting High Court judge of Guyana, then think of how much influence it can bring to the Guyana Police Force, now firmly in its grasp.

Having so said, what are the government’s primary objectives in the developing Mohamed witness intimidation issue?  Keep him out of circulation.  Keep him in jail.  No circulation, neither corruption exposures nor election threat.  In short, no bail.  Revocation of his extradition bail leave.  Mohamed’s WIN party hasn’t shown itself to be expansive beyond he and a few others.  Disconnect the head.  The body crumbles, even the tail goes. 

To complete the circle, to give himself a guarantee, (and not coincidentally), there was the PPP General Secretary at Robert Corbin’s solemnities.  He did the unthinkable.  Said the unsayable.

The PPP and PNC must stop burying the hatchet in each other’s head.  Unsaid was that threat on the horizon that, if given leeway, would bury both the PPP and PNC.  Extinction was Jagdeo’s word.  Mohamed and WIN represent that extinction threat. 

Therefore, whatever has to be done (prisoner’s dilemma, tainted ballistics, [whatever]) just do it.  I see Mohamed as the loser.  The PPP as the winner, given Jagdeo’s gambit.  The PNC richer (and safer for now).

A Mandate Betrayed: When Personal Vendettas Replace Public Service

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A Mandate Betrayed: When Personal Vendettas Replace Public Service


OPINION BY : Hem Kumar October 2026

True political leadership is not measured by the size of an entourage, the intensity of a social-media campaign, or the ability to dominate every news cycle. It is measured by judgment, restraint, discipline, and an unwavering commitment to the people who placed their trust in a leader.

More than 109,000 Guyanese voters gave Azruddin Mohamed and the We Invest in Nationhood party a mandate. They did not vote merely for a personality, a livestream, or a stream of confrontations with the State. They voted because many wanted representation. They wanted someone to challenge waste, expose corruption, question government decisions, defend ordinary citizens, and force greater accountability in the management of Guyana’s wealth.

That mandate carries a serious obligation.

The Leader of the Opposition is not simply another political commentator, social-media influencer, or businessman with a following. It is a constitutional office with national significance. The holder of that office must be prepared to scrutinize budgets, interrogate legislation, represent public concerns, offer credible policy alternatives, and serve as a stabilising national voice when institutions come under strain.

But recent events suggest an alarming divergence between the mandate Mr. Mohamed received and the role he appears determined to play. Instead of consistently demonstrating a commitment to policy, parliamentary scrutiny, and organised political representation, he appears increasingly drawn toward personal confrontations, dramatic standoffs, and a politics centred on himself.

That is not leadership. It is a dangerous misdirection of public trust.

The Kitty Incident Raises Serious Questions

The confrontation in Kitty on Monday, October 12, 2026, must be examined carefully and independently. Mr. Mohamed has alleged that police attempted to assassinate him, that he was assaulted by ranks, and that a handgun reportedly found in his vehicle was planted. Those are grave allegations.

They require a credible, transparent, and independent investigation. No citizen—whether wealthy, poor, politically connected, or politically opposed—should be subjected to unlawful violence, fabricated evidence, or abuse by the security forces.

But those questions cannot erase the disturbing conduct that reportedly preceded the confrontation.

By his own public explanations, Mr. Mohamed and members of his team were outside the private residence of Senior Superintendent Prem Narine, head of the Special Branch and one of the country’s senior intelligence officials. They were reportedly circling, filming, and conducting what was presented as an effort to expose alleged government waste.

That decision displays a troubling absence of judgment.

A political leader has every right to question public expenditure. He has every right to investigate allegations of misuse of public funds. He has every right to demand answers about official residences, security arrangements, procurement, and the use of State resources. But there are lawful, responsible, and politically serious ways to do that work.

There are parliamentary questions. There are Freedom of Information requests. There are formal letters to ministries and agencies. There are press conferences, documents, budget debates, committee hearings, court action, investigative reporting, and public-interest campaigns.

Circling and filming the residence of the country’s intelligence chief is not serious oversight. It is provocation dressed up as accountability.

Senior Superintendent Narine is not an ordinary public official. He occupies a senior national-security role. The protection of such an official, including the security protocols around his residence, cannot be treated casually by anyone—least of all the Leader of the Opposition.

Mr. Mohamed should have known that his actions could be perceived as suspicious or threatening. He should have understood that security personnel around a senior intelligence official would be alert to unusual activity. He should have recognised that he was placing himself, his team, and potentially police ranks in an environment where a misunderstanding could turn deadly.

Leadership requires anticipating consequences before they happen. It requires asking not only, “Can I do this?” but also, “Should I do this, and what risks does it create for others?” That kind of strategic thinking appears to have been absent.

A Pattern of Confrontation

The Kitty incident does not stand alone. It follows other episodes in which Mr. Mohamed, his employees and party associates have found themselves in dramatic encounters with security forces, at Pres. Ali’s private residence and  the river incident following a visit to Port Kaituma and Mabaruma.

In the Demerara River case, Joint Services personnel reportedly attempted to stop a vessel carrying Mr. Mohamed and WIN parliamentarians. The vessel allegedly failed to stop, leading to a pursuit and claims that a bag was thrown overboard. No illegal items were ultimately recovered, but the political response was immediate: the incident was cast as harassment and persecution by the government.

Again, the principle must be clear. The State must never weaponize its police, military, or security services against political opponents. If ranks acted improperly, they must be held accountable. If there was political interference, the public deserves to know.

However, political leaders also have a duty not to create unnecessary confrontations and then portray every consequence as proof of victimisation.

The public deserves more than an endless cycle of confrontation, livestream, accusation, denial, and political mobilisation. Guyanese need leadership that lowers the national temperature—not leadership that appears to thrive on keeping it at boiling point.

Mr. Mohamed campaigned as an alternative to the political establishment. His message resonated because many Guyanese are exhausted by arrogance, neglect, corruption, inequality, and a political culture that often treats citizens as voting blocs rather than human beings with real needs.

But an alternative cannot merely reproduce the same politics in a different colour, with a different party symbol, or with a louder online presence.

If the central purpose of politics becomes the protection of one leader’s image, legal interests, commercial interests, or personal grievances, then the people’s mandate has been hijacked.

The Work Voters Expected

The people who voted for WIN did not all do so because they wanted spectacle. Many did so because they wanted their circumstances changed.

They wanted answers about the rising cost of living. They wanted jobs and business opportunities that do not depend on political connections. They wanted safer communities, better roads, reliable drainage, functioning hospitals, quality schools, fairer policing, land access, and meaningful local development.

They wanted a serious voice on the management of oil revenues. They wanted someone to ask why, despite unprecedented national wealth, so many Guyanese still struggle with basic necessities. They wanted effective scrutiny of contracts, public procurement, land distribution, infrastructure spending, environmental safeguards, and the widening gap between the political class and the ordinary citizen.

That is the work of an opposition.

It is not glamorous work. It does not always produce viral videos. It does not guarantee cheering crowds or trending livestreams. But it is the work that matters.

A responsible opposition leader should be building a policy apparatus capable of analysing national budgets line by line. He should be mobilising parliamentarians to produce reports on education, health care, housing, agriculture, mining, indigenous affairs, policing, and oil governance. He should be holding regular public forums where citizens can bring their concerns. He should be developing legislation, exposing conflicts of interest with evidence, and offering the country a credible governing vision.

Instead, too much of the public attention around Mr. Mohamed appears consumed by his personal confrontations with the authorities.

That is a betrayal of priorities.

A Revolving Door of Political Failure

Guyana’s politics is increasingly becoming a revolving door. One side fails the people, loses credibility, and is replaced or challenged by another side that promises transformation. But too often, the new actors adopt the same habits: personality worship, political victimhood, selective outrage, patronage, confrontation, and a belief that public office exists to serve the leader before it serves the country.

The faces change. The slogans change. The social-media platforms change. But the people remain burdened by the same realities.

Citizens are still waiting for reliable public services. Communities are still waiting for infrastructure. Young people are still looking for decent work. Families are still struggling with high prices. Rural and hinterland communities are still demanding equal treatment. The poor are still expected to survive on promises while those at the top fight over power, influence, and public attention.

This is the tragedy of Guyanese politics: too many leaders treat public support as a personal asset rather than a public trust.

The electorate gives a mandate, but receives drama. Citizens demand representation, but are offered rivalry. Communities seek solutions, but are drawn into political theatre. And when the theatre ends, it is ordinary Guyanese who are left to fend for themselves.

The Standard Must Be Higher

Mr. Mohamed cannot demand to be treated as a future national leader while behaving as though every institution, security protocol, or public encounter exists only as a backdrop to his personal political performance.

He cannot campaign against waste and mismanagement while bypassing the very mechanisms through which evidence-based accountability is supposed to be pursued. He cannot condemn reckless governance while repeatedly engaging in conduct that puts himself, his supporters, and public officers at unnecessary risk.

The country needs an opposition that is forceful but responsible; fearless but disciplined; aggressive in scrutiny but mature in judgment.

Guyana does not need another political strongman convinced that the nation’s future depends on his personal battles. It needs representatives who understand that power is borrowed from the people and must be used in their interest.

More than 109,000voters entrusted Mr. Mohamed with a mandate. That mandate was not a licence for vendettas, self-promotion, or constant confrontation. It was a call to serve, scrutinise, organise, and offer an alternative future.

If he continues to place personal grievances above public responsibility, then he will not merely fail his supporters. He will reinforce the same destructive political cycle that Guyana has been trying, for far too long, to escape.

Mr. Mohamed entered politics professing a commitment to serve the people. Yet his tenure has been marked not by meaningful service, but by profound disappointment—a gross disservice to the very citizens whose trust and expectations brought him into public life.

“Washington’s War on Justice: Why the Global South Must Not Look Away”

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“Washington’s War on Justice: Why the Global South Must Not Look Away”


OPINION BY :Hem Kumar October 2026

The Trump administration’s sanctions against the International Criminal Court are not a defense of sovereignty. They are an attempt by the world’s most powerful state to place itself—and its allies—beyond the reach of law.On October 9, Secretary of State Marco Rubio announced sweeping sanctions against the ICC itself, declaring that Washington would cut off its resources and cripple its capacity to operate. The measures target an institution established to investigate and prosecute genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and aggression when national systems cannot or will not act.

For small states, developing countries and peoples who have historically had little power before empires, armies and global financial institutions, this should not be treated as a distant quarrel between Washington and The Hague. It is a warning.

Power Versus Principle

The United States has long demanded accountability from others. It invokes democracy, human rights, the rule of law and international norms when censuring governments it considers hostile or troublesome.

But now, when an international court examines alleged crimes involving Americans or Israeli officials, the response is not legal argument. It is economic force. It is intimidation. It is an effort to make the court financially and operationally incapable of carrying out its mandate.

Rubio did not merely criticize the court. He promised to restrict transactions with it and cut off the resources necessary for it to function. The sanctions can affect the ICC’s banking, software, travel, contracting and other routine operations, while US-linked companies are being given time to unwind their relationships with the court.

That is not a defense of justice. It is an assertion that justice must stop at the gates of power.

If the allegations before the ICC are baseless, then let them be challenged on evidence, law and due process. Let lawyers test the case. Let judges weigh the facts. But no serious democracy can credibly preach the rule of law while seeking to financially suffocate a court because its jurisdiction has become inconvenient.

The Global South’s Stake

The world must be clear about what is at stake. The ICC was never created for the comfort of the powerful. It exists because victims of mass atrocity are too often abandoned by domestic systems compromised by war, political influence, fear or impunity.

For countries across Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean, the principle is fundamental: a person accused of the worst international crimes should not acquire immunity simply because his country possesses immense military force, wealth or diplomatic leverage.

The court’s work extends across situations involving Afghanistan, Sudan’s Darfur region, Bangladesh/Myanmar, Ukraine, Venezuela and Palestine, among others. Human Rights Watch warns that court-wide sanctions could jeopardize access to the basic financial and technological services needed for the institution to operate.

The implications are chilling. If Washington can weaponize its control of financial networks to punish an international judicial body, then which smaller institution will be safe? Which state will be able to rely on neutral rules when those rules inconvenience a powerful government? Which victims will be told that their suffering is legally meaningful only when the accused lacks geopolitical protection?

That is not a rules-based world. That is a world governed by rank.

A Bitter Moment of Contrast

The cruelty of the moment is sharpened by its timing.

The sanctions were announced as the Nobel Peace Prize was awarded to Navi Pillay, a former ICC judge and internationally respected jurist whose life’s work has been defined by the pursuit of accountability for war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide.

One institution was honoring the labor of international justice. Another was moving to destroy the means through which that justice is pursued.

The contradiction could not be clearer.

And it should trouble every government that invokes international law when its borders, citizens, resources or sovereignty are threatened. A state cannot demand respect for law only when law protects its own interests, then fall silent when the same legal order is attacked elsewhere.

Guyana Cannot Be Selective

Guyana, like every small state, has a particular reason to defend international law consistently.

Our territorial integrity, our maritime interests, our sovereign rights over resources and our place in the world do not rest on military superiority. They rest on principles: the sanctity of borders, peaceful settlement of disputes, treaty obligations, international adjudication and the proposition that might does not make right.

Those principles cannot be selectively defended.

A country cannot celebrate international courts when they affirm its rights, appeal to global institutions when its security is challenged, and then remain indifferent while a powerful country attempts to cripple an international court because it has dared to investigate persons protected by power.

The lesson for Guyana is not that it must pick a side in every quarrel between global powers. It must not. Guyana’s foreign policy must remain anchored in Guyanese interests, regional stability, non-alignment, sovereignty and principled engagement with all partners.

But neutrality must never be confused with moral silence.

Small states have no interest in a world where international institutions are permitted to function only with the approval of a superpower. Today it is the ICC. Tomorrow it may be another treaty body, arbitration mechanism, court, climate institution or multilateral process upon which vulnerable nations rely.

CARICOM Must Speak Clearly

CARICOM should not be timid on this question.

The Caribbean understands the history of unequal power. Our nations emerged from slavery, colonialism, extraction and external control. We know what it means for major decisions to be made elsewhere, by people insulated from the consequences borne by smaller societies

That history demands clarity.

The region should affirm that international justice cannot be dismantled through financial coercion. It should support measures that protect the ICC’s ability to maintain banking, technological, travel and operational services. It should insist that the principle of accountability applies to every state and every official—not merely to those without powerful friends.

This is not anti-Americanism. It is pro-law.

It is also a test of whether the international community truly believes that genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity are crimes against all humanity—or whether those words are simply tools to be deployed against the weak.

No One Above the Law

The ICC is not beyond criticism. No international institution is. Its record, resources, pace and uneven reach have all invited legitimate scrutiny. But criticism is not a license for demolition.

The remedy for institutional weakness is reform, not retaliation. The remedy for disputed allegations is due process, not sanctions. The remedy for concern over jurisdiction is legal engagement, not a campaign to bankrupt a court and intimidate everyone who assists it.

The Trump administration’s action presents the world with a simple and uncomfortable question: does international law apply to everyone, or only to those too weak to resist it?

For the Global South, for small states, and for every victim waiting for justice where domestic systems have failed, the answer cannot be uncertain. No nation should be too powerful to investigate. No official should be too protected to prosecute.  

And no court created to confront humanity’s worst crimes should be allowed to die because it has come too close to the powerful.

 

DC Karimbaksh, who’s for the victim, what’s next?

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DC Karimbaksh, who’s for the victim, what’s next?


OPINION BY: GHK LALL October 2026

Deputy Comm of Police and Organized Crime Unit head, Mr. Karimbaksh, is swinging.  In for the fight against the rape and intimidation allegations directed at him.  May truth, fair play, and justice be the winner.  I grapple with a challenge: allegations of crimes committed, and featured principals in the role of victims.  There’s no pretense of knowing the way out of this maze.  Still, some thoughts are shared.  Hoping they help.  Enlighten, at least.

DC Karimbaksh must be recognized for the strength of his defense.  Only the commission can pronounce on whether he stays or goes.  Hence, the Commissioner of Police, Dr. Hicken, must retreat.  He did.  Must have required lots of incentivizes for  Guyana’s Top Cop to swallow that pill.  Beyond, his legal defense, there could be the familiar at work.  For who is Mr. Karimbaksh, if not the man who sees and knows where many of the high-level frauds occur, and the parties whose names surface repeatedly.  Those files must be worth something.  If nothing else, induces high-level backtracking.  It’s old Wall Street: know where the bodies are buried; or, more crudely, CYA.  Translation: take precautions, cover yah bum.  Who in the Police, who in the PPP Govt, is going to mess with that reality?  Where is this going to lead, end?

Mr. Karimbaksh lingers.  The victim languishes.  Since, Minister Vindya Persaud has been busy, developed a severe case of the cold (in her feet), the heavy lifting is mine, by default.  C’mon Minister Vindya, have a conscience.  How many of these exercises in seeking light and clarity can one man manage?  This is where Hotlines, Hot programs, and the heat of ministerial concerns and interests have an opportunity to prove themselves.  This where, Because We Care takes over.  This is where, the superstar from Carmichael and Middle Streets can face Facebook audiences and insist that Guyana is about the rule of law, and not of men. 

He is pardoned for leaving out that Guyana (the govt) has to be sensitive to what is in SOCU files, and how much disruption that could cause.  Where to next?

Indeed, DC Karimbaksh is fighting for his professional life.  Who in the PPP Govt is taking a stand for the victim?  Fighting with their all for her?  At last visit, I recall that there was a victim.  A daughter of Guyana is reeling from her ordeal.  Her champions have fled.  This is where it all comes crumbling down in an ignominious heap, with a mushroom cloud of rot staining the air.  One warrior spoke of accountability.  What is that, and where is it?  Another bigshot loves to regale Guyanese with anancy stories about the law?  Where is he?  The law: its policies, procedures and practices cannot only have application when John Doe is involved.  Can’t be about one for the strong, the opposite for the weak.  Nor the same standard for the poor and the best for the rich.

There have been too many of these, shall I say, contradictions, in too tight a span of time.  The U.S. Ambassador has to be unhappy that her cushy posting has become a nightmare of lawlessness (more later).  I can recognize a fighter; DC Karimbaksh has taken some on the chin, stays for more.  I regret that he didn’t go on his own, still resists doing so.  But he must know what I don’t, along with ordinary Guyanese.  In recognizing Mr. Karimbaksh’s right to fight, there is a higher call to give a brace to a victim in distress.  She suffers from a major disadvantage: neither presidential nor ministerial champs.  Not willfully on their part; simply the demands of governance and leadership that require proper prioritizing. 

And, being street smart enough to steer away from danger areas.  A rape allegation against a gatekeeper and powerbroker represents danger.  For the third time, there must be movement, the will, to eliminate a stalemate that desecrates.

Stop Worshipping Yesterday While Tomorrow Is Being Stolen

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 Stop Worshipping Yesterday While Tomorrow Is Being Stolen


OPINION BY : Hem Kumar October 2026

This op-ed serves to sharpen the indictment of nostalgia, elite complacency, and passive public discourse, while making an explicit case for organized civic and labor action.

Guyana is in danger of becoming a country that constantly celebrates its past while surrendering its future.

On public platforms, in the traditional media, on social media, and at public forums, there is no shortage of commentary about the political giants of yesteryear. Their struggles, sacrifices, ideological battles, achievements, and failures all deserve serious study. History matters. The fight for independence matters. The fight to restore democratic elections in 1992 matters. The men and women who resisted colonialism, dictatorship, racial division, and electoral theft must never be erased.

But history was never meant to become a hiding place for those unwilling to confront the present.

Too many of those afforded a public voice have made political nostalgia their occupation. They endlessly rehash the greatness of former leaders, recycle old rivalries, and perform loyalty to bygone eras, while the promise of tomorrow slips away from the next generation. They speak as though recounting old victories can substitute for organizing new struggles. It cannot.

The generation before us did not merely sit around glorifying those who came before them. Our forebears studied history, understood its lessons, and then moved forward—often at considerable personal risk—to reshape the future. They did not inherit independence; they fought for it. They did not receive democratic rights as a gift; they organized, resisted, mobilized, and demanded them.

That is advocacy. That is activism. That is the real inheritance Guyanese should honor.

Today, the country is once again confronted with a moment that demands more than speeches, commemorations, Facebook posts, panel discussions, and self-congratulation. Guyana’s oil wealth is expanding, yet the power to make decisive choices over that wealth remains concentrated. National assets are being managed through arrangements that too few citizens fully understand and too few institutions adequately scrutinize. Meanwhile, many families continue to face high food prices, strained public services, inadequate infrastructure, low wages, insecure employment, and uncertainty about whether their children will have a meaningful future at home.

A country cannot call itself prosperous merely because its Gross Domestic Product rises. Progress has meaning only when ordinary people can feel it in their wages, their homes, their schools, their hospitals, their roads, their farms, and their prospects. If economic growth enriches a narrow circle while the broad population remains burdened by hardship and insecurity, then the country is not advancing together—it is deepening inequality under the banner of development.

The great danger is that Guyanese are sleepwalking back into subjugation. This time, the chains may not look like colonial rule or ballot-box manipulation. They may come dressed in the language of investment, development, national unity, party loyalty, and economic growth. They may appear in secretive decision-making, weak oversight, dependence on political favor, the capture of public institutions, and the quiet transfer of national wealth into the hands of interests that ordinary citizens cannot challenge.

Subjugation does not always announce itself with soldiers in the streets. Sometimes it arrives gradually, through public silence, institutional weakness, political dependency, and a population persuaded that it is powerless.

That silence must end.

Guyana needs a renewal of civic courage and labor consciousness. Trade unions must reclaim their historic role as defenders not only of wages and working conditions, but of democratic accountability, social justice, and national sovereignty. Workers cannot remain divided by party affiliation, ethnicity, sector, or geography while decisions about the country’s wealth are made over their heads. The worker in the public service, the sugar industry, mining, construction, transport, retail, health care, education, agriculture, and the emerging oil-and-gas economy shares a common interest in fair wages, safe work, strong public services, and a nation whose resources benefit its people.

Civil society must also rise beyond the comfort of occasional statements and ceremonial participation. Professional bodies, community organizations, youth groups, religious leaders, environmental advocates, journalists, academics, and business associations must help build a culture of informed dissent.

They must demand public access to contracts, stronger parliamentary scrutiny, independent regulators, enforceable anti-corruption safeguards, labor protections, and a national development agenda that reaches every region and community.

This does not require violence. It requires disciplined, lawful, sustained organization: public education, community meetings, workers’ assemblies, petitions, peaceful demonstrations, strategic litigation, investigative reporting, policy advocacy, and coordinated demands that no government can dismiss as the complaint of a few individuals.

Those who possess microphones, columns, platforms, and influence should understand the responsibility that comes with them. A public voice should not be used merely for self-gratification, personal branding, recycled political warfare, or the glorification of leaders who cannot solve today’s crisis.

The people need more than nostalgia merchants. They need truth-tellers, organizers, investigators, and advocates willing to ask difficult questions of every government, every corporation, every party, and every institution.

History should inform the future—but Guyana is too often studying the wrong chronicles of history. We remember personalities and forget principles. We praise victories and ignore the organizing that produced them. We revisit old conflicts but fail to build the unity required to confront new forms of exploitation.

The task now is not to abandon history. It is to use it correctly.

Our forebears did not struggle so that we could endlessly admire their courage while lacking the courage to act ourselves. They fought so that each generation would be freer to confront its own injustices. If we allow distraction, division, and self-interest to replace civic duty, then we will have dishonored not only their sacrifices, but also the generations now waiting to inherit what we leave behind.

Guyana does not need another season of passive remembrance. It needs mobilization. It needs an awakened working class. It needs citizens prepared to move beyond partisan trenches and demand a democracy that is lived, not merely commemorated

.The future is not secured by celebrating yesterday. It is secured by organizing today.

Unity Talk Cannot Mask Exclusion

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  Unity Talk Cannot Mask Exclusion


OPINION BY : Hem Kumar October 2026
Jagdeo’s appeal for political cooperation at Robert Corbin’s tribute was not statesmanship. It was a calculated intervention at a moment of grief, directed at a political constituency the PPP clearly wants to penetrate.

Vice President Bharrat Jagdeo chose an evening intended to honor the life and public service of former PNCR leader Robert Corbin to make a political pitch to the very party Corbin led. It was a crude and opportunistic display, delivered when PNCR supporters, relatives, colleagues and friends were mourning a loss . 

Mr Corbin’s passing ought to have been an occasion for reflection on his record, his convictions and his contribution to Guyana. Instead, Jagdeo used the platform to advance the PPP’s familiar narrative: that the country’s future depends on the two major parties “working together,” and that old political divisions must be abandoned.

There is nothing wrong with national unity. Guyana desperately needs it. But unity cannot be reduced to a speech, nor can it be demanded selectively by a government that continues to centralize power, marginalize critics and operate without the full democratic scrutiny that Parliament is meant to provide.

The obvious question is: where, precisely, is the policy  framework for cooperation?

Parliament has been shuttered. The opposition’s role in national decision-making is severely constrained. Major decisions on oil wealth, contracts, infrastructure, procurement, land, governance and public policy are routinely made from the top down. Consultation is too often ceremonial, while dissenting voices are dismissed as hostile, irrational or racially motivated.

No serious partnership can grow in that environment.

Jagdeo speaks of trust, maturity and a new political framework. Yet trust is not built through carefully timed speeches at funerals or memorial events. It is built by conduct: respect for institutions, adherence to constitutional safeguards, transparency in government, meaningful consultation, fair access to national opportunities and a genuine willingness to share decision-making power.

The PPP cannot credibly present itself as the architect of unity while practicing exclusion in government.

The Electoral Calculation

This intervention also carries an unmistakable electoral dimension.

The PPP’s traditional support base is already highly consolidated. If it hopes to broaden its parliamentary strength, it must attract voters who historically identify with, or are sympathetic to, the PNC and PNCR. That is why the language of “new thinking,” cooperation and transcending race is now being deployed with greater urgency.

The political objective is not difficult to see: soften resistance within opposition constituencies, win over a segment of disillusioned PNCR supporters and create the appearance of a broad national coalition around the PPP.

A crossover is most useful to the ruling party when he or she can be displayed as proof that old loyalties have been abandoned. The former opposition figure becomes a symbol at rallies, public meetings, government events and party platforms—a face intended to reassure Afro-Guyanese communities that joining the PPP does not mean abandoning one’s identity, history or community.

But symbolism is not inclusion.

The real test is whether crossover figures are participating in consequential policymaking, shaping budgets, influencing oil-sector oversight, directing public investment, supervising procurement, determining national-security policy or holding the executive accountable. Or are they chiefly being used to give the PPP a more “national” face while actual power remains tightly held by the same political center?

The answer matters because Guyanese have seen this pattern before: prominent recruits are loudly celebrated, assigned roles of visibility or usefulness, then deployed to persuade those who remain politically unconvinced. The recruitment of individuals can be portrayed as national unity, while the institutions of government remain closed, centralized and resistant to genuine power-sharing.

The larger prize could be a parliamentary majority large enough to alter constitutional arrangements, including the term-limit provisions that prevent a president from serving more than two terms. A 44-seat majority in the 65-member National Assembly would provide the kind of supermajority needed for major constitutional amendments.

That possibility makes Jagdeo’s outreach more than a sentimental appeal to national healing. It is a power play.

Guyana must be vigilant whenever constitutional change becomes politically convenient for those already in command of the executive, Parliament and the country’s rapidly expanding oil revenues.

Constitutional reform must never become a vehicle for entrenching an individual, a party or a governing elite.

Corbin’s Legacy Deserves Better

Robert Corbin believed in engagement, but engagement did not mean surrender. He could defend the PNC’s interests fiercely while recognizing that Guyana’s divided political culture required dialogue. That was political maturity, not political submission.

To invoke that history now requires more than praise for Mr Corbin’s willingness to talk. It requires a willingness by the PPP to create conditions in which dialogue can be real, equal and consequential.

If Jagdeo is sincere, the PPP should demonstrate it through action:

  • Reopen and properly convene Parliament as a functioning arena for national debate and accountability.
  • Establish structured, good-faith engagement with the parliamentary opposition on oil revenues, national development priorities, security, constitutional reform and public procurement.
  • Strengthen independent oversight bodies rather than treating scrutiny as obstruction.
  • End the practice of concentrating decision-making within a narrow executive circle.
  • Guarantee that national opportunities, contracts, employment and development reach all communities fairly.
  • Commit publicly that constitutional reform will not be used to facilitate a third presidential term or perpetuate any leader’s hold on power.

Until then, the rhetoric of unity will remain exactly that: rhetoric.

A government cannot demand that its opponents “get over” history while reproducing the same political instincts that keep Guyana divided—control, exclusion, distrust and the use of state power for partisan advantage.

Mr Corbin’s passing should have prompted humility. Instead, Jagdeo saw an opening. Guyana should not confuse that calculation with reconciliation.

The CCJ Cannot Be Allowed to Drift Into Crisis

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The CCJ Cannot Be Allowed to Drift Into Crisis


OPINION BY: Hem Kumar October 2026 

The Region Cannot Look Away From the CCJ Crisis The Caribbean Court of Justice is facing a crisis that the region can no longer dismiss as an internal disagreement among judges.

The Caribbean Court of Justice cannot remain a silent spectator to its own institutional unravelling. Repeated leaks of confidential judicial correspondence, serious reported allegations about the administration of the court, and complaints about the manner in which an internal inquiry has been conducted have together produced a crisis of confidence. No responsible newsroom  should declare any judge guilty on the basis of leaked emails. Yet neither can the region accept an arrangement in which grave allegations circulate publicly while the institutions charged with defending judicial integrity offer no sufficiently clear account of what is being done.

Repeated leaks of confidential emails, grave reported allegations about the Court’s administration, public claims of intimidation in the course of an internal inquiry, and the prolonged absence of a clear institutional explanation have combined to place the credibility of the Caribbean’s apex court at risk.

This is not gossip. It is not a contest of personalities. It concerns the institution to which citizens of Guyana, Barbados, Belize, Dominica and St Lucia turn for final justice in criminal, civil, constitutional and other matters of the greatest consequence. It is also the court charged with interpreting the Revised Treaty of Chaguaramas, the legal foundation of CARICOM and regional economic integration.

The CCJ cannot credibly ask the people of the Caribbean to trust it while the public is left to learn about serious internal conflict through anonymous leaks, selected disclosures and competing claims in the press.

No publication  should pronounce  on any findings  on the basis of leaked emails. The reported correspondence is not a finding of fact. Nor should confidential judicial communications be casually exposed or treated as entertainment. If court emails were unlawfully obtained or disclosed, that is a serious matter, potentially involving cybersecurity breaches, breach of confidence and violations of judicial ethics.

But the illegality or impropriety of a leak, if established, cannot erase the public-interest questions revealed by what has entered the public domain.

The reported allegations include claims of authoritarian conduct, improper attempts to influence judicial colleagues, and concerns about the constitution of panels for particular cases. Justice Peter Jamadar has also reportedly objected to the manner in which an investigation was pursued, saying that he felt targeted, harassed and bullied after his administrative officer was questioned without his knowledge.

Those are not minor complaints. They go to the heart of judicial independence, collegiality, due process and the internal governance of a final court.

A litigant who comes before the CCJ must be able to believe that the judges hearing the case were selected by a proper, neutral and transparent process; that deliberations occur freely; that no judge faces pressure for reaching an independent conclusion; and that the Court’s administrative machinery cannot be manipulated to engineer a desired outcome.

That is the minimum standard—not an aspiration.

The Regional Judicial and Legal Services Commission must now speak clearly. It cannot retreat behind general claims of confidentiality while the Court’s reputation is being steadily damaged in public. Some information may properly remain private: personnel details, evidence gathered in an inquiry, cybersecurity protocols and sensitive judicial communications. But the public is entitled to know whether an inquiry has been formally authorized, who is conducting it, its terms of reference, what safeguards have been established, and how conflicts of interest are being managed.

There is a central question that cannot be avoided. If the President of the CCJ is the subject of material allegations, how can he participate in, influence, or chair any process of the RJLSC that addresses those allegations? The principle is elementary: no one should be a judge in his own cause.

The RJLSC must therefore make known whether Justice Winston Anderson has recused himself from all deliberations, decisions and investigative arrangements connected to complaints involving his conduct. If there is no recusal, it must explain how the process can meet the objective test of independence and impartiality. If there is recusal, it should say so plainly and identify the independent procedure that has replaced the ordinary arrangement.

The Court and the Commission should also commission an external and credible inquiry—not merely an internal administrative exercise—into all aspects of this matter. That inquiry must examine the origin and scope of the leaks, the security and governance vulnerabilities that permitted them, the reported allegations concerning case-panel arrangements and judicial administration, and the complaints over the conduct of the investigation itself.

It must provide procedural fairness to every judge and staff member affected. It must not become a hunt for a source while ignoring possible wrongdoing or structural failure within the institution. Equally, it must not permit untested allegations to be used as a weapon against any individual judge.

The Caribbean has too much invested in the CCJ to allow silence, denial or institutional paralysis to weaken it. The Court was created so that Caribbean people could have a final court rooted in Caribbean reality, accessible to Caribbean citizens and answerable to the rule of law—not to London, and not to the politics or private conflicts of any one territory.

Yet this crisis is already handing ammunition to those who oppose the CCJ and prefer continued dependence on the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council. Every day of unexplained silence will deepen the damage. Every fresh leak will invite further suspicion. Every failure to establish visibly independent accountability will reinforce the belief that the Court demands standards of others that it is unwilling to apply to itself.

Guyana, which has accepted the CCJ as its final court, has a direct stake in the answer. So do the people of every CARICOM country whose rights, liberty, property, businesses and constitutional protections may eventually depend on the Court’s judgment.

The CCJ must be protected—but protecting it does not mean protecting individuals from scrutiny. It means defending the institution through truth, due process, independent investigation and meaningful reform.The region deserves nothing less.

 Eusi Kwayana: a Guyana son for the ages

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   Eusi Kwayana: a Guyana son for the ages


OPINION BY: GHK LALL October 2026

The day had to come.  An exceptional one it is, for such is reaching the landmark figure of 101 in this life.  By itself, it speaks of a passage in life that made the extraordinary look ordinary.  But when Eusi Kwayana traveled those 101 years, they took on a gleam that was simply more than human.  For the Sage of Guyana was not just a man of his time, but of one beyond his time.  Am I up to this task?  This task of honoring a truly great Guyanese, one that I would dare to number among this nation’s Founding Fathers.

Some are born great, some achieve greatness, and some have greatness thrust upon them” is from Shakespeare’s Twelfth Night (Act 2, Scene 5).  I can’t say anything about Eusi Kwayana and his being born great.  But with all the strength and skill that I am capable of, the man achieved greatness, and he had the call of greatness thrust upon him.  From his journey in the crags and moors, the dark places and highlights, of Guyana, those are all a tribute to his greatness.  Nothing that I can pen adds to that homespun truth.

A man of the village was Eusi Kwayana.  He spoke the language of the common man.  Yet, he could make powers and plenipotentiaries rock back on their heels, take another look at him.  A man to take seriously, a man for the seasons, a man for the ages of Guyana.  There was a time when he had a lot to say, a time when he offered this country more.  He knew when to speak, when to hold his peace.  Unlike the Young Turks, for whom words are a commodity (like peddled flesh), Kwayana made every word count.  No frills.  No frivolousness.  And certainly, no fooling of the people who trusted at his knee, hung on to his every word.

I came of age when the years of his vigorous youthfulness were taking its first steps away from the crucible of struggle in Guyana.  When he assumed the role of an elder statesman in a place that time forgot, and no one wanted to know.  In the grey years, his voice still could be heard.  The people.  the people.  the people.  Guyana.  Guyana united.  Guyana together.  Guyana going places, despite its self-inflicted handicaps that kept it going on its knees.  Who listens to such a man?  Who has any interest in sharing power, spreading around the spoils? 

It is why that even when Guyana is on top of the world, it still does not have roots, lacks foundations, and cheats itself of the strengths that rightly belong to it.  It has been the Guyana story.  The story that Kwayana and a small company took as their mandate to change, to upend what has always made this country less than it is, should ever be.

A figure like Kwayana attracts slings and arrows.  The poisoned variety.  He was a racist.  He was a divider.  He was an African supremacist.  Great God in heaven!  Savagery does stalk this land, and it has never been at less than full strength.  He outlived all those assaults and insults on his dignity, his striving for the people.  Indeed, a prophet is not loved in his hometown.  Kwayana was the living embodiment of that truth.  He knew what it was to be vilified, damned, and condemned.  He knew what it was to be written off; yet he always came back, lingered, left a greater impression than before. 

The man was a marvel and a miracle.  The irony is that so many Guyanese have so little use for him.  The simple people adored him.

In a time when cyberspace creatures rule the roost in Guyana, the Sage of Buxton still had the grassroots about him.  He smelled of grass.  The scent of honest sweat from hard labor.  So was his.  For the people, for a better Guyana.  The willingness still to keep trying when the odds are so long and so against.  Yet, there was no give in him.  How much can Guyana and Guyanese be better, if only there were a half dozen more like Eusi Kwayana. 

It is one part of the many tragedies in this country that is so rich with so many other fruits.  The nonhuman.  The servant-leaders that should abound, but never around.  The loudmouths that haven’t a clue of how vulgar and vacuous they sound.  But I, too, just erred.  There should be no tainting of this homage to a man who has served this country as well as Eusi Kwayana, as humbly, and as continuously.

Now, he returns to the village and the folks from whence he came.  Now he makes that one last journey to be in the bosom of his ancestors.  Farewell, great son of Guyana.  Farewell, Eusi Kwayana, for a life well lived, for all the gifts left for others, including me.  May his spirit soar with the ancestors, may he find peace in this continent, all others.

The Attorney General’s Sudden Discovery

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The Attorney General’s Sudden Discovery


OPINION BY: Hem Kumar October 2026

The public’s silence is not apathy. It is a verdict on a process that began without earning the public’s confidence.

Attorney General Anil Nandlall now says he is shocked that, after weeks of advertisements, the Constitutional Reform Commission has received barely more than 20 written submissions from the public.

There is nothing shocking about it.

What is shocking is that the Attorney General and the Government appear genuinely surprised that Guyanese are reluctant to invest their time, ideas and hopes in a constitutional-reform exercise that many regard as another carefully managed political performance.

The public has not “shunned” constitutional reform. The public has responded to the manner in which it has been pursued:with distrust, fatigue and the firm belief that ordinary citizens are invited only after the major political decisions have already been made.

For years, Guyanese have watched the political class preach inclusion while practising exclusion. They have watched national institutions weakened, appointments delayed, constitutional requirements ignored when inconvenient, and public consultations reduced to formalities. Against that background, the Attorney General cannot expect citizens to rush forward merely because a notice was published and an email address provided.

A constitutional reform process cannot be credible simply because it carries the word “public” in its title. It must be structured, representative, independent and visibly insulated from partisan control. Yet the present Commission is widely seen as populated by the same familiar actors and constrained by the same old political architecture that has repeatedly failed to build broad national trust.

That is the central problem: Guyana’s political reality has changed, but the CRC does not appear to reflect that change.

The country is more politically aware, more ethnically sensitive, more economically unequal and more suspicious of elite decision-making than at any time in its recent history. Guyanese are watching the management of unprecedented oil wealth, the expansion of executive power, failures of oversight, weaknesses in public accountability, and the continued marginalization of voices outside the main political establishment. A constitutional process that does not convincingly include those voices will not command national legitimacy.

The Attorney General says the process was designed to be driven by the public. But a process cannot be public-driven where the public does not trust the drivers.

Nor can the Government practice autocratic governance and then expect democratic participation on demand. Citizens cannot be excluded from meaningful decision-making, treated as spectators in their own country, and then blamed when they decline an invitation to legitimize a process in which they have little faith.

There is also a deeper reality. Many Guyanese have concluded that the Constitution may contain lofty promises but lacks practical force when institutions responsible for enforcing it are weak, compromised, understaffed, politically influenced or simply unwilling to act. Rights on paper mean little when accountability is absent in practice.

That is why many citizens ask a fair but difficult question: why spend time proposing constitutional amendments when those already in the Constitution are routinely disregarded or selectively applied?

Before lecturing citizens about their failure to submit written recommendations, the Attorney General should confront the reasons for their disengagement. The Government must explain why constitutional reform was allowed to drift since 2022, only to now be treated with an air of urgency. It must explain how the Commission will overcome concerns about exclusion, political influence and predetermined outcomes. And it must demonstrate—through actions, not advertisements—that dissenting, independent and minority voices will have genuine influence.

If the administration wants participation, it must first restore confidence.

That means taking the process beyond Georgetown conference rooms and newspaper notices. It means direct engagement in every region, meaningful outreach to Indigenous communities, young people, trade unions, religious bodies, professional organizations, civil-society groups, the diaspora and communities that have long felt ignored by the political establishment. It means publishing all submissions, explaining how proposals will be assessed, disclosing areas of disagreement, and ensuring that the Commission’s eventual recommendations cannot be quietly buried or selectively implemented.

Most importantly, it means recognizing that constitutional reform is not an exercise in collecting emails and photocopies of identification cards. It is an opportunity to renegotiate the relationship between the citizen and the State.

The Attorney General should not mistake public distrust for public ignorance. Guyanese understand the importance of the Constitution. They understand that it shapes elections, rights, representation, public power, land, resources and accountability. Their reluctance to participate is not evidence that they do not care.

It is evidence that they care enough not to be used.

The Government cannot operate in an autocratic manner and then demand that citizens respond in a democratic mode. Trust cannot be ordered by advertisement. Participation cannot be manufactured by deadline. And legitimacy cannot be secured by blaming the very people whose confidence the political directorate has spent years squandering.

Until that truth is confronted, the low number of submissions will remain not a mystery—but a warning. 

 

UNESCO Language, Guyana Reality: Promises Abroad Must Meet Conditions at Home

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UNESCO Language, Guyana Reality: Promises Abroad Must Meet Conditions at Home


OPINION BY :Hem Kumar October 2026

Guyana’s representation at UNESCO should be an opportunity to speak honestly about both national ambition and national deficiency. The language of a more “effective,” “responsive,” “inclusive” and “people-centered” UNESCO is meaningful—but it also presents a standard against which Guyana’s own education system must be judged.

At international forums, it is easy to celebrate new schools, digital learning, teacher training, technical education and expanded access in hinterland and riverine communities. Those are worthy objectives. No serious observer would deny that Guyana needs more schools, better-trained teachers, stronger technical programs and greater access for children in remote communities.

But a country cannot credibly speak only of expansion while failing to confront the conditions under which many children and teachers are expected to learn and work.

Across Guyana, parents, teachers and communities have repeatedly raised concerns about deteriorating school buildings, unsafe structures, inadequate sanitary facilities, overcrowding, unfinished construction and maintenance failures. In some cases, schools or sections of schools have had to be closed or reclosed after opening because the buildings were not safe or suitable for occupancy.

That is not a minor administrative inconvenience. It is a profound failure of planning, supervision, procurement, inspection and accountability.

A school building is not merely a project for a ministerial press release. It is a daily environment for children. It must have sound roofs, safe electrical systems, clean water, working toilets, proper ventilation, secure classrooms, adequate furniture and facilities accessible to children with disabilities. It must be properly inspected before it is handed over, and it must be maintained after the cameras leave.

When a school opens with defects—or when it has to close shortly after an opening because of structural or safety concerns—the public is entitled to ask difficult questions. Who approved the work? Who certified that the building was ready? Were the contractors paid in full? Were defects identified before the opening? What action was taken against those responsible? And why are parents and teachers so often left to discover failures that should have been caught through routine professional oversight?

These questions are not an attack on Minister Sonia Parag personally. The issue is larger than any one minister, administration or ministry official. It is a recurring pattern in national governance: grand announcements, elaborate ceremonies, impressive targets—and then weak execution, unfinished works, poor maintenance and limited public accountability.

That pattern is especially troubling in education because children bear the consequences.

Inclusion Requires Safe Schools

Guyana’s message at UNESCO stresses inclusion and the principle that every child, regardless of geography or circumstance, should have access to quality education. That principle should be embraced. But access cannot mean merely assigning a child to a school or constructing a building in a community.

A child does not have meaningful access to quality education if the classroom is unsafe, the roof leaks, the toilets are unusable, the water supply is unreliable, or a construction project remains incomplete for months or years. A teacher cannot be expected to deliver quality instruction while managing basic failures of infrastructure that should have been resolved before the school term begins.

The conditions are often worse in remote and hinterland communities, where the state has an even greater responsibility to get things right. Communities that already contend with distance, transportation challenges, staffing shortages and limited services should not also be burdened with defective schools and incomplete works.

If Guyana is sincere about educational equality, it must establish that children in Regions One, Seven, Eight, Nine and other remote areas deserve the same standard of safety, sanitation and learning conditions as children anywhere else in the country.

Accountability Cannot Be Optional

UNESCO’s reform language—effectiveness, responsiveness, inclusion and impact—should not be treated as diplomatic vocabulary to be repeated abroad. It should become a governing test at home.

An effective education system completes projects on time and to specification.

A responsive education system acts quickly when parents, teachers and communities report unsafe or unsanitary conditions.

An inclusive education system ensures that children in poor, remote and Indigenous communities are not asked to accept facilities that would never be tolerated in Georgetown or in wealthier districts.

An accountable education system identifies who failed when public money is spent on defective buildings, incomplete works or facilities that cannot safely remain open.

That means Guyana needs more than announcements of construction. The Ministry of Education and relevant agencies should publish a national school-infrastructure register identifying every project, its contractor, contract sum, start date, planned completion date, actual completion date, sanitation; which are operating with unsafe buildings; and which projects have been delayed, abandoned or referred for investigation.

There should be no embarrassment in admitting deficiencies. The embarrassment lies in concealing them while proclaiming success.

Speak Truth at International Forums

The irony is that international forums such as UNESCO provide precisely the kind of platform on which Guyana can seek assistance, technical support, partnerships and solutions. They are not merely stages for polished national presentations.

Guyana could use UNESCO discussions to raise the real challenges confronting education: maintaining schools in remote areas; delivering water and sanitation infrastructure; retaining qualified teachers in the hinterland; closing the digital divide; safeguarding Indigenous languages and knowledge; improving disability access; and strengthening monitoring of school construction.

Such candor would not diminish Guyana. It would demonstrate maturity.

No country is expected to have solved every problem. But every country should be expected to describe its challenges honestly, identify what assistance it needs and show a credible plan for improvement. International co-operation is most valuable when it is rooted in truth—not when it is used to shield domestic failures behind flattering language.

Guyana should not go abroad to create the appearance of a flawless education transformation while parents and teachers at home continue to complain about unsafe buildings, poor sanitation, incomplete construction and basic neglect.

From Ceremony to Delivery

The real measure of educational progress is not the number of speeches delivered in Paris, nor the number of sod-turnings and ribbon-cuttings staged in Guyana. It is whether children enter safe, clean, properly equipped classrooms every day.

It is whether a teacher can teach without worrying about the physical condition of the school.It is whether parents can send their children to school with confidence that the building is safe, the toilets work, water is available and the facilities are fit for learning.

Minister Parag’s UNESCO intervention offers a useful standard. Guyana should now apply that standard to itself.

If education is to be inclusive, it must be safe. If it is to be effective, projects must be completed properly. If it is to be accountable, those responsible for failures must answer. And if Guyana wants to be taken seriously when it speaks of “education for all,” it must ensure that the reality facing children in classrooms across the country matches the promise being made on international platforms.